Saturday, November 5, 2016

Burma claims to be a democracy but lacks freedom of speech

This is what we get for subscription to tutelary democracy of 2008, the greatest enigma of Burmese politic. I could be in jail for majority of my posts on my Facebook if I were in Burma, but I shall indulge as my liberty permits.
Burma claims to be a democracy but lacks freedom of speech. It brags for its freedom of press yet murdered journalist like Ko Par Ji and now fired Myanmar Times' Ms. Fiona MacGregor by using executive power. It requests the global community for funds to effectuate Nationwide peace efforts, but barred some groups from entering. Ceasefire Agreements were signed but shortly accompanied by military onslaught. It holds Nationally televised events in the moniker of Federalism but ignores the very founding document of Burmese Union, Pang Long Agreement. It showcases its diversity yet inter-marriage and inter-faith laws were passed to protect the purity of 88% of population's race and religion.
Demands Ethnic Armed organizations to abandon arms during democratic era, yet its Tatmadaw cannot abandon its trigger-happy habit of using violence and state-sponsor terror to acclimate into new political paradigm. Unlike some of my friends, I see threat against Mr. Myo Yan Naung Thein as a threat to the future of the country. Like many NLD supporters, I grew up aspiring DASSK, I remember the very day she came into our quarter in Myitkyina. As a seven year-old, I ran close to half a mile behind her white Toyota Corolla SE on April 27th, 1989 and listened intently from star-apple tree to campaign speech at Duwa Zau Awng's residence. I attended nearly all of her Saturday rallies at 54 University Ave in 1996. The only difference between them and us is that their struggle ends on 54 University Ave, but our destination carries onto full realization of Pang Long, genuine Federalism. When once asked after her release, DASSK too couldn't denounce the armed struggle of her comrades at ABSDF; likewise, we are impossible to denounce our own right to defend against any occupation forces. When British forces came to Kachin Hills in 1892, I do not recall any Burmese forces defending Kachin Hills like Sadung and Sumprabum.
Some discredit me for writing these while I live thousands miles away, but I could also say how could a person from the wealthiest hamlet of Rangoon understands nearly 70 years of misery we face in ethnic states? I can attest to the fact that many of my friends still can't deal with the fact that their army still torches civilian homes, uses rape as weapon of war, recruits child soldiers for the frontlines, and uses narco trade for state-building apparatus. One has to wonder how could the army with ethnic composition of Officer corps over 60% in the 50s are down to nearly 0% in 2016?
There are over 140,000 Kachins and Shans in makeshift camps with close to 0 aid from the govt, and the army uses all its power to stop international aids from crossing over to border area IDP camps.
Before emancipation, colored people were considered 3/5th of a person; today, Burmese civilians aren't too different either: our vote still counts as 3/4th in a parliament which the army controls 25% of all the Union's and States' seats.
I thank activists who helped to change our world, people who faced censure of their colleagues to advanced the lives of many. Without them, our mothers and sisters would still not be able to vote, and we would still be denied of basic rights. Now, if NLD insider like Mr. Myo Yan Naung Thein could be arrested, just can't fathom how our life could be for criticizing Burma army for its crimes.