Sunday, April 19, 2015

Barking up the wrong tree (3): Economic-focused reform

By Nmang Naw / April 17, 2015


The anthology, Debating Democratization (2014), presents Burma experts’ perspectives particularly on current reform process. The contributors of the book mostly argue for the reform process as a hopeful undertaking with some challenges on the way to achieve its goal. The authors see the reform as the military generals’ genuine imitative germinated in their deep desire for the best of the country.
Morten B. Pedersen, one of the contributors of the book, repetitively underscores that the military government has undertaken the reform “because it wants to, not because it had to.” However, the depth and extent of current reform so far primarily focuses only on the economic aspect of the country while ignoring basic issues related to rights and equality of the citizens that enable a functional democratic society, which is the path supposedly chosen by the new government.
It is pertinent to be again reminded by Aung San Suu Kyi’s warning against “the people who value their own businesses more than politics,” made during her campaign in Myitkyina, Kachin State in 1989. Providing as an example of the people who were very successful in business during the era of BSPP (Burma Socialist Programme Party), she persuaded her audiences that economic prosperity alone without equitable political system would do no good for the country, except for a few in a short period of time. Thus, she pleaded the people of Kachin State not to “place economics above politics.”
Placing economics above politics is exactly what the new government is now doing in Burma. The economic transformation, signified by the rapid emergence of new buildings, foreign companies, and trade laws, provide as a façade for a reform progress. Soon after the United States and European Union lifted economic and trade sanctions in 2013, foreign investments have poured into Burma creating an appearance of economic boon for the country. The projects such as of drafting the Foreign Investment Law, the Myanmar Special Economic Zone Law, and the Small and Medium Enterprises Law have undergone in cooperation with business enterprises.
In order to accommodate these new contracts, according to Forest Trends, a forest conservation organization, the new government has allocated 11 million acres of some of Southeast Asia’s “last remaining biodiversity rich forests” as suitable to be cleared for private agribusiness projects. (Forest Trends) Many of these “allocated lands” pertains to the ethnic area such as Kachin state. As we speak, the British mining firm Aurasian Minerals Plc (AuM) is getting ready to enter Kachin State’s Hpakant area to expand its jade and gem mining concessions.
In light of current prima facie of reform that mainly concentrates in area of economic development, the country’s wretched and sinking economic condition, and the top-down strategy of transformation adopted by the generals, economic interest is what motivated and will drive the course of reform process. It is no doubt that a thriving economy under the quasi-civilian, military-controlled government is a desirable condition. And it seems to be an achievable goal as the way current momentum of reform is taking shape in the country. It is not a far cry undertaking as such praetorian system of governance has been historically and successfully implemented as evidenced in the political transformations of neighboring countries such as China, Russia, and Indonesia.
Thus, the new government conceives and implements economic growth as a panacea for the country’s problems. However, the reform process that centers on economic development is, first, divergent to the true reform needed for the country. Unless there is a just and accountable political system, the prosperity gained through current reform would benefit only the few. In order to sustain a healthy economy, an equitable political system must be in place for a country. Thus, reform through economy can only serves for the maintenance of the de facto political condition.
Second, the economic-focused reform is, moreover, used as a divertive tool since money calls the shot in every aspect of politics. Special permits, concessions, and awards sanctioned by the government in the name of economic growth distract people with good intention from their effort for greater good, including leadership from opposition and arm resistance groups. Third, the economic reform without any political progress will belatedly emerge as a distortive act, abusing good-well gestures of the international community.

While it is an important component of a nation, what the reform should rudimentarily tackle is not how to bolster the economic growth of the country. A transparent and accountable political system that upholds fair and just rules of law ensure thriving economy. Until and unless current reform addresses critical political concerns such as the phony constitution (2008), the rigged election (2010), and failed Panglong promise, current reform process is nothing but a self-destruct ruse, barking up the wrong tree in order to stymie people’s hope and aspiration.

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KIO Hpung Party Majat Jaw Hpawng Galaw

Laiza muklum sinpraw majoi manau wang gawk nu hta shanglawt hpung pati hte seng ai majat jaw hpawng galaw ai lam chye lu ai.
Ninggawn Daju Party Komiti a Party majat jaw hpawng galaw ai lam gaw KIO hpung party greng grak ngang kang wa na hte masan sa awng dang ai mung masa hpung byin tai wa lu hkra woi awn hkrang shapraw sa wa lu na matu re nga nna ninggawn daju party komiti amu madu Slg; Chyana Zau Awn April (17) ya shani na hpawng hta tsun ai kawn chye lu ai.
Ndai hpawng hta Ginjaw Komiti Ningtau amu madu Slg; Labang Doi Pyi Sa kaw nna wunpawng mungdan shanglawt hpung party hpaw shabawn ai lam, hpung party a gaw da ai tara, hpung party a bandung, hpung party a makam masham, hpung party shang masha ni hkam la ra ai lam hte party komiti tsang hte tsang mahkri shawn bungli galaw sa wa na lam ni hpe tsun sang lang dan ai lam chye lu ai.

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Amyu Sha Lam Yan Madi Shadaw Alu Tam Lamang

Malaysia Mungdan Kata Sha Nu Nga Ai Myu Wun Pawng Sha Ni Yawng Hpang De, May 25 Monday Hta Galaw Na Amyu Sha Lam Yan Madi Shadaw Alu Tam Lamang Galaw Na Ga Ai Majaw Tsaw Ra Hkung Ga Ai Nu Wa Mung Chying Sha Ni Yawng Sa Du Shang Lawm N'gun Jaw La Marit Ngu Hkung Ga Lara Saw Lajin Dat Ga Ai,

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Htingbu Kaja Myit Jasat

Miwa mung na Hpung magam gun ni gaw, Masat shadaw 6 Dabu bum akyuhpyi bum kaw sa nna Wunpawng Mungdan lawan lu gap di la lu na matu akyu sa jawm hpyi ma ai nga shiga na lu ai. Masat shadaw hta ျမန္မာ nga ai kaw (Kachin) ngu lu ka masat hkra ngu nna mung akyu hpyi da masai da.

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Monday, April 13, 2015

စစ္သားေကာင္းမျဖစ္ႏုိင္ခဲ့တဲ့ ဗမာမ်ား....။

စစ္သားေကာင္းမျဖစ္ႏုိင္ခဲ့တဲ့ ဗမာမ်ား....။
လြတ္လပ္ေရးလွဳပ္ရွားမွဳသမုိင္းထဲကို အနည္းငယ္ျပန္ေလ့လာၾကည့္တဲ့အခါ....
ၿဗိတိသ်ွက ျမန္မာျပည္မွာ တပ္ပိုင္းဆိုင္ရာဖြဲ ့စည္းႏိုင္မွဳနဲ ့ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ထူးျခားတဲ့မွတ္ခ်က္တခုေပးခဲဘူးပါတယ္..
Originally composed of Burmans, Karens, Kachins and Chins with some Gurkhas, recruitment of Burmans was stopped in 1927, despite the protests of experienced officers. The rationale was that the Burmese did not make good soldiers but the failure to recruit them alienated the regiment from the Burmese population, which saw the regiment as just another part of the occupying British forces.
အထက္အပိုဒ္ကို ဖတ္ၾကည့္တဲ့အခါ ဗမာ့ေသနတ္ကိုင္တပ္ရင္းေတြကိုဖြဲ ့ၾကတဲ့အခါ တပ္ေတြထဲမွာ ဗမာ။ ေတာင္ေပၚတုိင္းရင္းသားေတြျဖစ္တဲ့ ကရင္၊ ကခ်င္၊ ခ်င္းနဲ ့အႏၵိယေဂၚရခါးအမ်ားစုနဲ ့သာ ဖြဲ ့စည္းခဲ့ၾကၿပီး ဗမာလူမ်ိဳးေတြကို တပ္သားအျဖစ္ကေတာင္ စုေဆာင္းဖို ့ရပ္ခဲ့ရတယ္လို ့ဆိုပါတယ္။
အေၾကာင္းျပခ်က္ကဘာလဲဆိုေတာ့ ဗမာလူမ်ိဳးေတြက စစ္သားေကာင္းေကာင္းမျဖစ္ႏုိင္ၾကဘူး ၊မိမိတို ့လူထုအတြင္းကေတာင္ တပ္ရင္းေတြအတြက္ တပ္သားသစ္ေတြစုေဆာင္းႏုိင္ျခင္းမရွိခဲ့ပါဘူးတဲ့။ ဒါေၾကာင့္မို ့လည္း တပ္ရင္းေတြဟာ ၿဗိတိသ်ွတပ္ေတြရဲ ့အစိတ္အပိုင္းေလာက္သာသာျဖစ္ေနပါတယ္တဲ့။ 
ဖဆပလအစိုးရနဲ ့သေဘာထားမတိုက္ဆိုင္လို ့ဗမာျပည္ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီနဲ ့ရဲေဘာ္ျဖဴေတြကို တိုက္တဲ့အေၾကာင္းကိုေလ့လာၾကည့္ျပန္ရင္လည္း ကခ်င္လက္နက္ကို္င္တပ္ရင္း Burma Rifles (3)နဲ ့ ကရင္လက္နက္ကိုင္တပ္ရင္းတို ့က အဓိကလွဳပ္ရွားေပးခဲ့ၾကတာေတြ ့ရပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ကရင္ကေတာ္လွန္ေရးစတဲအခါမွာေတာ့ ကခ်င္ေတြဟာ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ကိုဆက္တိုက္မလား ဖဆပလ အစုိးရကို ျပန္တိုက္မလားလို ့ ဆံုျဖတ္ခ်က္ခ်ခဲ့ရပါတယ္။
ဓေလ့ရိုးရာနဲ ့ ဘာသာေရးနီးစပ္တဲ့ တုိင္းရင္းသား ဗိုလ္ၾကီးေနာ္ဆိုင္းဦးေဆာင္တဲ့ကခ်င္ဟာ ေတာင္ေပၚသားေသြးရင္းညီေနာင္ျဖစ္တဲ့.ကရင္ဖက္ကိုရပ္တည္ေတာ္လွန္ခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္။ ဥပမာအားျဖင့္ ေမၿမိဳ ့မွာဖမ္းဆီးခံထားရတဲ့ ကရင္တပ္ေတြမိသားစုေထာင္ခ်ီတဲ့ဦးေရကို ကယ္တင္ခဲ့ဖို ့ၾကိဳးစားခဲ့တာဟာ သမိုင္းသက္ေသပါ။
ရွမ္းလူမ်ိဳး အမ်ားစုနဲ ့ဖြဲ ့စည္းခဲ့တဲ ့Burma Rifles (13/14) ဗမာ့ေသနတ္ကိုင္တပ္ရင္း (၁၃)နဲ ့(၁၄)ဟာ အေရးပါတဲ့ ေလယာဥ္ကြင္းလံုၿခံဳေရးတာ၀န္ကို အဓိကထမ္းေဆာင္ခဲ့ၾကပါတယ္.။
တပ္မေတာ္ရဲ ့ကနဦးသမိုင္းကိုျပန္ၾကည့္တဲ့အခါ ေရွးဦးတပ္မေတာ္ထဲမွာ ျပည္မက ဗမာလူမ်ိဳးေတြထက္ ေတာင္တန္းေဒသလူမ်ိဳးေတြရယ္၊ အိႏၵိယေဂၚရခါးနဲ ့ပန္ခ်ာေတြက အမ်ားစုျဖစ္ေနၿပီး အရာရွိၾကီးေတြကေတာ့ အိႏိၵိယဘုရင္ခံတပ္က ကုလားေတြနဲ ့အဂၤလိပ္အရာၾကီးေတြက အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ပါတယ္။
ေတာင္ေပၚတုိင္းရင္းသားေတြရဲ ့စစ္တိုက္ႏုိင္မွဳစြမ္းရည္ဟာ လြတ္လပ္ေရးသမုိင္းထဲမွာ ေတာက္ေျပာင္ေနပါတယ္။ ကခ်င္စစ္သားေတြကို အေမရိကန္က ကမၻာ့အေတာ္ဆံုးေျပာက္က်ားထဲကတခု အျဖစ္အေတာ့္ကိုခ်ီးမြမ္းခန္းဖြင့္ထားတာကိုလည္း ဖတ္မိေလ့လာဖူးပါတယ္။

မွတ္ခ်က္ (လူမ်ိဳးေရးအျမင္ျဖင့္ေရးျခင္းမဟုတ္ပါ၊ တကယ္ျဖစ္ခဲ့တဲ့သမုိင္းထဲက တစိတ္တေဒသပါ)

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Laiza Digital Library masing (Norway du Wunpawng myu sha )

Laiza Digital Library masing hpe e Norway du Wunpawng myu sha ni hku na, tinang kanu mungdan hta e shanu shingbyi nga ai sai daw sai chyen ni mungkan prat dep hpaji hpe lu sharin la mu ga ngu n htawm hpaw hpang dat ai rai nga ai. Dai ni na rawt jat galu kaba lawan la ai prat hta, internet n tsa sharin la mai ai hpaji ni myu hkum hkra nga taw sai re. Internet n tsa e hpaji lam hte seng n na mying gumhkawng la nga ai Khan Academy hte MOOCs(Massive Online Open Courses) ni gaw internet kaw mai sharin hkaja la ai hpaji ni a sakse ni rai nga ai.
Rai tim mung, kanu mungdan hta shanu shingbyi nga ai anhte a Wunpawng saidaw saichyen ni gaw, n dai zawn re manu dan la ai hpaji ni hpe sharin la lu na n loi la nga ai. Hpa majaw ta nga yang, computer hte internet ni yak hkak ai a majaw re. N dai zawn re manghkang hpe maga mi hku n na lu hparan lu na matu n dai digital library masing hpe hpang wa ai re. N dai library hta e, computer ni hpe matut mahkai da htawm laika bok ni, hpaji sumla hkrung ni hte Offline Khan Academy zawn re ni hpe bang da ya na re. N dai gaw project a lam kadun mi rai sai.
N dai digital library masing kawn masat da ai pan dung lahkawng nga mali ai. Ya yang e, kanu mungdan hta byin taw nga ai dinghku majan a majaw, jawng ma n kau mi hpaji hpe lu matut sharin la na yak hkak nga ai. Nambat langai pan dung hku n na gaw, Laiza snr Mai Ja Yang mare na jawng ma ni hpe hpaji lu matut sharin la hkra shakut ya na lam re. Nambat lahkawng hku n na gaw, n dai zawn re computer garum hte hpaji lu sharin la ai rai yang, sharin hkaja ai lam hta mung lawan ai hku lu sharin la htawm, computer hpaji mung grau chye jat wa na re ngu hpe kam ga ai. Computer hte seng n na hkut hkut nai nai chye da yang she, dai ni na prat dep mungkan hta anhte a jawng ma ni shang shing jawng lu na rai nga ai.
Myit su ni mu ai hte maren, n dai project gaw n loi la nga ai. Galaw ra ai bungli law ai sha n ga, n dai masing a matu ap-nawng ai ni mung n lu n la, n rau n hkrau re kaw na she shakut hpang taw nga sai re. Dai majaw, n dai project awng dang na matu gaw myit su wa a garum ningtum lam mung ra la nga ai. N chye n kaw rai di jawm shakut taw ai re majaw, hpaji jaw la ai lam hku mi rai rai, n dai website kaw a lu ja gumhpraw bang garum ai hku mi rai rai garum la na hpe mung kam kaba hte lat nga na ga ai. Chyeju kaba sai.
For more details: FAQ

Project FAQ
Q1. Ok. I now have read about your project at About Page, but I want to know more. By the way, where the heck is Laiza? 
      Laiza is a small town in Kachin State(fylke in Norwegian term) in Myanmar where there are currently over 100k Internally Displaced Persons(IDP) because of the civil war between the government and rebel forces. Below is Laiza on Google Maps. It is located right on the border with China.

Q2. What is Raspberry Pi? 
      Raspberry Pi is a small credit card size micro computer that is just like any normal desktop computer. It was created by Raspberry Pi Foundation in UK to be used by children and adult alike to learn computer science. So Raspberry Pi can be used for any educational purposes. Below is some students with a small Raspberry Pi computer.

Q3. How much does it cost? 
      $35. That's it. If you donate $35 to the project, we will buy a Raspberry Pi computer, write your name on it and it will be used in the library.
Q4. But do you have electricity in Laiza to run these computers? 
      Yes. Myanmar is abundant in natural resources just like Norway, especially water. Laiza gets its electricity from a small hydropower plant nearby.
Q5. Ok. I am now very interested in the project and want to become a team member. What do I need to do? 
      To become a team member, monthly donation of 250 NOK is needed for one year. To do this, just choose 'Recurring Option' as 'Payment Type' on our donation page. Payment will then run for one year and stop. And please send us your beautiful photo and an email address to contact you at The photo part is just optional. You can check out the current team members at our Home Page.
Q6. Does your team run as an organisation? If so, what's the name of the organisation? 
      No. The team includes sole individuals who believe that kids in Myanmar deserve to get access to basic education just like they do.
Q7. But without an organisation, how do you plan for the project? 
      Our team members are tasked with different part of the project such as project leaders, accountants(financial), technical team, advisory team and organisers. We meet every Sunday on Skype to discuss and share progress about the project.
Q8. Should you not be worry more about food and shelter for these children instead of a freaking digital library? 
      We delegate those tasks to organisations like UN, UNHCR and there are already various international + local organisations helping with those tasks already. So we put our focus on education instead.
Q9. What about building? There must be a building to make a digital library, right? 
      Yes. For this, we have contacted the only school in Laiza and they share the inspiration behind the project just like us. They warmly welcome the idea.
Q10. Great! So when do you actually start to implement the project? 
      Next summer. Two or three of our team members will personally travel to Laiza and start the actual implementation.
PS: If you have any other questions that we have not answered in this FAQ, please contact us at
Unfortunately, CSS means everything's got to be inline.

This article is my 4th oldest. It is 534 words long

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ကခ်င္မေလးတစ္ေယာက္နဲ႔ သူ႔ရဲ့ အေမရိကန္ ေမြးစားအေမအေၾကာင္း

(က်ေနာ္တို႔ဆီက မိဘမ်ားကိုေျပာျပရင္ ယုံပါ့မလား)
ကခ်င္မေလးတစ္ေယာက္နဲ႔ သူ႔ရဲ့ အေမရိကန္ ေမြးစားအေမအေၾကာင္း ဖတ္ရေတာ့ က်ေနာ့စိတ္ထဲမွာ ေတြးစရာေတြ အမ်ားႀကီးေပၚလာတယ္။
ဟိုး ျမန္မာျပည္ ေျမာက္ဖ်ား ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္က ဒြဲဘူ မရစ္ပ္ဆိုတဲ့ ေကာင္မေလးတစ္ေယာက္ဟာ ဆယ္ေက်ာ္သက္အ႐ြယ္ေလးမွာပဲ မေလးရွားကို ခိုးဝင္ၿပီး ဘဝကို ႐ုန္းကန္ေနရတယ္။ ကြာလာလမ္ပူက ဂ်ပန္စားေသာက္ဆိုင္တစ္ခုမွာ တရားမဝင္ အလုပ္လုပ္ရင္း ျမန္မာျပည္ကလာတဲ့ ဘဝတူေတြနဲ႔ အတူေနထိုင္ခဲ့တယ္။
တစ္ေန႔မွာ သူတို႔ေနတဲ့ အိမ္ကို မေလးရွားအာဏာပိုင္ေတြ ဝင္ဖမ္းေတာ့ ပိန္ပိန္ေသးေသးး ဒြဲဘူက ကုတင္ေအာက္မွာ ဝင္ပုန္းေနလို႔ လြတ္သြားၿပီး က်န္တဲ့လူေတြေတာ့ အဖမ္းခံသြားရသတဲ့။ ဒီေတာ့ ဒြဲဘူလည္း ကုလသမဂၢ ဒုကၡသည္႐ံုးမွာ စာရင္းေပးၿပီး ခိုလံႈခြင့္ ေလွ်ာက္ထားလိုက္ရတယ္။
သူ႔လို အ႐ြယ္မေရာက္ေသးတဲ့ တစ္ေကာင္ႂကြက္ေလးေတြကို ေမြးစားမယ့္သူ ရွိမွ တစ္ျခားႏိုင္ငံကို ပို႔ေပးတာဆိုေတာ့ သူ႔ခမ်ာလည္း ၂ ႏွစ္ေက်ာ္ေလာက္ တစ္ေမွ်ာ္ေမွ်ာ္ ေစာင့္ရရွာတာေပါ့။ ၂၀၀၈ ခုႏွစ္၊ အသက္ ၁၇ ႏွစ္မွာ လူသာရင္ခရစ္ယာန္အသင္းက တာဝန္ယူလို႔ အေမရိကန္ ျပည္ေထာင္စုကို မ်က္စိသူငယ္နဲ႔ ေရာက္လာပါေတာ့တယ္။
သူ႔ကို ေမြးစားမယ့္သူက ဝါရွင္တန္ျပည္နယ္၊ အဲဗားရက္ၿမိဳ႕က အက္ဒရီယာနာ ဂယ္လက္ဂါဆိုတဲ့ အသက္ ၄၃ ႏွစ္အ႐ြယ္ ေက်ာင္းဆရာမတစ္ေယာက္ပါ။ သားသမီးမရွိတဲ့ တစ္ကိုယ္ေရ အမ်ိဳးသမီးအေနနဲ႔ လူမ်ိဳးျခား ဆယ္ေက်ာ္သက္ ေကာင္မေလးတစ္ေယာက္ကို ေကၽြးေမြးေစာင့္ေရွာက္ ေျမေတာင္ေျမႇာက္ေပးဖို႔ မလြယ္မွန္းသိေပမယ့္လည္း ဒြဲဘူကို ေမြးစားမယ္လို႔ စိတ္ပိုင္းျဖတ္ခဲ့တယ္တဲ့။
ျမန္မာျပည္မွာ ေက်ာင္းေကာင္းေကာင္း မတက္ခဲ့ရဘဲ အသက္ ၁၇ ႏွစ္အထိ ကိုယ့္ဝမ္းကိုယ္ေက်ာင္းခဲ့ရတဲ့ ဒြဲဘူဟာ အေမရိကားကို ေရာက္လာၿပီး အဲဗားရက္ အထက္တန္းေက်ာင္းမွာ တက္ရၿပီဆိုေတာ့ သူ႔ဘဝေလး ေအးခ်မ္း သာယာသြားေလၿပီ ဆိုတဲ့ ေပ်ာ္စရာဇာတ္သိမ္းေလး ျဖစ္သြားမွာပဲ။
ဒါေပမယ့္၊ အဲဒီလိုလည္း မဟုတ္ေသးဘူး။
သူတို႔သားအမိရဲ့ ျပႆနာကို ၾကားရင္ က်ေနာ္တို႔ ျမန္မာေတြ အံ့အားသင့္သြားမွာ အမွန္ပဲ။ ေက်ာင္းဆရာမအေမနဲ႔ တစ္ျပည္သူ ေမြးစားသမီးရဲ့ ျပႆနာက ‘မိဘကို ျပန္မေျပာတဲ့ကိစၥ’ ပါတဲ့ဗ်ာ။
ဒြဲဘူလို မိဘမဲ့ တစ္ေကာင္ႂကြက္၊ သူမ်ားခိုင္းသမွ် လုပ္ၿပီး ဘဝကို တစ္ေယာက္တည္း ႐ုန္းကန္လာရသူေလးတစ္ေယာက္က ကိုယ့္ကို ကယ္တင္ၿပီး ခုလို ေကာင္းေကာင္းမြန္မြန္ ေကၽြးေမြးေစာင့္ေရွာက္တဲ့ ေက်းဇူးရွင္ အေမကို ခြန္းတုန္႔ျပန္ ဘယ္ေျပာမလဲ။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ အာရွလူမ်ိဳးေတြအေနနဲ႔ လူႀကီးသူမကို ျပန္ေျပာတယ္ဆိုတာ အင္မတန္ မိုက္႐ိုင္းဆိုးသြမ္းတယ္လို႔ ယူဆၾကတာ မဟုတ္လား။
က်ေနာ္တို႔ ျမန္မာျပည္သူေတြက “ေပးတာယူ၊ ေကၽြးတာစား၊ ခိုင္းတာလုပ္၊ ျပန္မေျပာနဲ႔” ဆိုတဲ့ စစ္တပ္ပံုသြင္း လူေနမႈစနစ္ထဲမွာ ႀကီးျပင္းခဲ့ရတာပါ။
ဒီေတာ့ ကခ်င္မေလး ဒြဲဘူဟာ သူ႔ ေက်းဇူးရွင္အေမ အက္ဒရီယာနာ ေျပာသမွ် ေခါင္းငံု႔ခံတယ္၊ ဘယ္ေသာအခါမွ ျပန္မေျပာဘဲ ၿငိမ္ၿငိမ္ေလး နားေထာင္တယ္။ အေမက သူ႔ကို ေျပာဆိုဆူပူလို႔ မေက်နပ္လည္း ၿငိမ္ခံတယ္၊ ဝမ္းနည္းရင္လည္း ၿငိမ္ခံတယ္၊ စိတ္ဆိုးရင္လည္း ၿငိမ္ေနတာပဲတဲ့။ အေမေျပာရင္ ေျပာတဲ့အတိုင္း တစ္သေဝမတိမ္း လိုက္နာတယ္။ ျမန္မာျပည္မွာဆို မိဘစကားကို ေျမဝယ္မက် နားေထာင္တဲ့ သမီးအလိမၼာေလးဆိုၿပီး ဖူးဖူးမႈတ္ ခ်စ္မွာပဲ။
ဒါေပမယ့္၊ အေမရိကားမွာေတာ့ အေမကို ျပန္မေျပာရေကာင္းလားဆိုၿပီး သူ႔အေမက မေက်နပ္ဖူး။ ျပႆနာလုပ္ေတာ့တာပဲ။
အဲဒါနဲ႔ counseling ဆိုတဲ့ တိုင္ပင္ေဆြးေႏြးေရး လုပ္ရတဲ့ အဆင့္ထိေရာက္သြားေရာ။ အေမရိကားမွာ မိဘနဲ႔သားသမီး၊ လင္နဲ႔မယား၊ ဆရာနဲ႔တပည့္ အဆင္မေျပရင္ အဲဒီ counseling မွာ သက္ဆိုင္ရာ ပညာရွင္နဲ႔ တိုင္ပင္ေဆြးေႏြးၿပီး အေျဖရွာ ေျဖရွင္းၾကတဲ့ စနစ္ရွိတယ္ေလ။
ဒီေတာ့ အေမ ျဖစ္ေစခ်င္တဲ့ ဆႏၵကို သမီး ဒြဲဘူနားလည္ေအာင္ ရွင္းျပေပးၾကတယ္။ သားသမီးက ခုလို ၿငိမ္ၿပီး ေျပာသမွ် နားေထာင္တာမ်ိဳးကို အေမရိကန္မိဘေတြက မလိုခ်င္ဘူး။ သားသမီးေတြက ကိုယ္ျဖစ္ခ်င္တာ၊ ကိုယ္လုပ္ခ်င္တာ၊ ကိုယ္ဆႏၵရွိတာကို ပြင့္ပြင့္လင္းလင္း မိဘကို ေျပာရမယ္။ မိဘက လုပ္ခိုင္းေပမယ့္ ကိုယ္မလုပ္ခ်င္ရင္၊ ကိုယ္မႀကိဳက္ရင္ ျငင္းရမယ္တဲ့။
ဒီေနရာမွာ မိဘနဲ႔ ခြန္းႀကီးခြန္းငယ္ စကားမ်ား ရန္ျဖစ္တာမ်ိဳး မဟုတ္ဘဲ၊ ကိုယ့္ဖက္က အက်ိဳးအေၾကာင္း ခိုင္ခိုင္လံုလံု ဆင္ေျခေပးၿပီး ရွင္းျပတာမ်ိဳးကို ဆိုလိုတာပါ။ (က်ေနာ္တို႔ ျမန္မာျပည္မွာဆို မိဘက ခိုင္းလို႔ ဝါသနာ တစ္စက္မွ မပါဘဲ ေဆးေက်ာင္းတက္ရသူေတြ တစ္ပံုႀကီး ေတြ႕ဖူးၾကမွာပဲ။)
အဲဒီလို သားသမီးက အက်ိဳးသင့္အေၾကာင္းသင့္ ျပန္ေျပာရင္လည္း မိဘက ဇြတ္မလုပ္ခိုင္းဘူး။ (အဲဒါကိုလည္း ျမန္မာမိဘေတြ သေဘာေပါက္ နားလည္ဖို႔ ခက္ပါတယ္။ မိဘက ဒါဆို ဒါပဲ၊ ဗူးဆို ဖ႐ံုမသီးတဲ့ မိဘေတြ အမ်ားႀကီးပါ။)
ေနာက္ဆံုးေတာ့ ဒြဲဘူလည္း သူ႔အေမရဲ့ ရည္႐ြယ္ခ်က္ကို နားလည္ၿပီး သူ႔အေမရဲ့ ဆႏၵအတိုင္း သူရဲ့ ခံစားခ်က္ေတြ၊ ရည္မွန္းခ်က္ေတြကို အေမနဲ႔ ဖြင့္ၿပီး တိုင္ပင္ေဆြးေႏြးတယ္။ သားအမိခ်င္း ပိုၿပီး ရင္းႏွီးပြင့္လင္းစြာ ဆက္ဆံၿပီး နီးနီးကပ္ကပ္ ေႏြးေထြးမႈ ရွိလာတယ္။
ဒြဲဘူရဲ့ စကားအတိုင္း ေျပာရရင္ေတာ့၊ “The greatest thing was learning to speak up,” she said. “That's not something you can adapt to so easily.” (အႀကီးဆံုးကိစၥကေတာ့ ဖြင့္ေျပာတတ္ေအာင္ သင္ယူရတာပါ၊ အဲဒါက သိပ္လြယ္လြယ္နဲ႔ေတာ့ လုပ္လို႔ ရႏိုင္တာ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး) လို႔ သူက ေျပာတယ္။
ခုေတာ့ ဒြဲဘူဟာ ေကာလိပ္ေက်ာင္းက AA လို႔ေခၚတဲ့ အငယ္တန္း ဘြဲ႕တစ္ခုကို ဓာတုေဗဒအဓိကနဲ႔ ဆြတ္ခူးႏိုင္ခဲ့ပါၿပီ။ ဝါရွင္တန္ျပည္နယ္ တကၠသိုလ္မွာ ဇီဝဓာတုေဗဒ ဘြဲ႕ယူဖို႔ ပညာသင္ေနရင္း သြားဆရာဝန္တစ္ေယာက္ ျဖစ္ဖို႔ ရည္မွန္းခ်က္နဲ႔ ႀကိဳးစားေနတယ္လို႔ သိရပါတယ္။
(ဒီေနရာမွာ သတိျပဳသင့္တာ တစ္ခုကို ေထာက္ျပခ်င္ပါေသးတယ္။ ျမန္မာျပည္မွာ မယ္မယ္ရရ ေက်ာင္းမေနခဲ့ရဘဲ မေလးရွားက ဂ်ပန္စားေသာက္ဆိုင္မွာ ရရာအလုပ္ လုပ္ခဲ့ရတဲ့ ကခ်င္မေလးဟာ အေမရိကားေရာက္ၿပီး အခ်ိန္တိုတို ၇ ႏွစ္ေလာက္အတြင္း ဒီေလာက္အထိ ေပါက္ေျမာက္ေအာင္ သင္ယူႏိုင္တဲ့ ပညာေရးစနစ္ကို ခ်ီးက်ဴးသင့္ပါတယ္။ ျမန္မာျပည္က ေက်ာင္းသားေလးေတြ ဆႏၵျပေတာင္းဆိုေနတာလည္း ဒီလို ပညာေရးစနစ္မ်ိဳး လိုခ်င္ရွာလို႔ ျဖစ္မွာပါ။)
အခု အသက္ ၄၉ ႏွစ္ရွိၿပီ ျဖစ္တဲ့ ေမြးစားအေမ အက္ဒရီယာနာလည္း သူ႔သမီးအတြက္ အရမ္းဂုဏ္ယူေနၿပီေလ။ “ကၽြန္မသမီးက ရည္မွန္းခ်က္ႀကီးႀကီးနဲ႔ ႀကိဳးစားေနတဲ့သူ ျဖစ္ေနၿပီ၊ ဘယ္ေတာ့မွ ေအာက္ေျခဘဝကို ျပန္သြားမွာ မဟုတ္ေတာ့ဘူး” လို႔ လက္မေထာင္ၿပီး ေျပာေနတယ္။
သူလိုခ်င္တာ မိဘေျပာသမွ် ေခါင္းငံု႔ နားေထာင္တဲ့ သားသမီးမဟုတ္ဖူး။ ေျပာရဲဆိုရဲ၊ လုပ္ရဲကိုင္ရဲ၊ ကိုယ့္ဘဝကို ကိုယ္တိုင္ဖန္တီးရဲတဲ့ အနာဂတ္ရဲ့ ၾကယ္ပြင့္ေလးကို ျပင္ျပင္းျပျပ လိုခ်င္တာပါ။
(အေမရိကန္ ေမြးစားမိခင္ အက္ဒရီယာနာ ဂယ္လက္ဂါ နဲ႔ သမီး ကခ်င္မေလး ဒြဲဘူတို႔ရဲ့ ၾကည္ႏူးစရာ ဓာတ္ပံုေလးပါ။)
Credit ; မင္းျမတ္ေမာင္ (ကာလီဖိုးနီးယား)

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Ethnic Armed Groups: Partners or Doormats in Burma’s Peace Process?

By Pangmu Shayi / April 9, 2015

The signing of the draft text for the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) by representatives of the government and ethnic armed groups on March 31, was undoubtedly a major public relations coup for the Thein Sein government. As to be expected, the administration did not waste much time trumpeting it. Information Minister Ye Htut, on his personal blog, even went so far as to say that the president and army chief Min Aung Hlaing are now in the “annals of peace makers”, of which there are but a handful in the whole wide world. Taking it further to the realms of the supernatural, a state newspaper heralded the capture of an albino elephant a month before as an auspicious omen for the success of the NCA.
On the international front also, the agreement received much backslapping, and UNICEF headquarters at New York, apparently carried away by the government’s euphoria, issued a statement erroneously referring to the event as “The successful conclusion of a National Ceasefire Agreement”.
This led leaders of the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination Team (NCCT), which negotiated with the government side on behalf of its 16 ethnic armed members, to tamp down the government’s hype and clarify that the agreement was merely on the text of the ceasefire draft, with approval still pending from top leaders on both sides to make it final.
It is a given that the government side will endorse, as President Thein Sein has already said he expects to sign the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in April. On the part of the ethnic groups, it has been announced they will convene a general meeting before making a final decision on whether to approve the draft text or not. However, it is more than likely that it will be just a formality, as it is inconceivable the leaders would reject the work of their mandated representatives.
So it would seem quite safe to assume that the NCA will get signed in the near future, even if not in April, as the NCCT had indicated. The signing may be an important milestone, but whether it leads to lasting, genuine peace is another matter. The real hurdle will come in the next stage, when ethnic groups and the government side engage in serious political negotiations, slated to take place 3 months after the signing of the final document.
If statements made by Lt. Gen Myint Soe to the press, the very afternoon of the signing of the draft text agreement are any indication, the road ahead promises to be a very bumpy one indeed. By emphatically stating that the army would not give an inch on its 6-point conditions, the general is essentially saying that any proposal to amend the 2008 constitution is off the table. He even added rather ominously: “If our six points are accepted, there will be permanent peace in the country.” This opening salvo is an in-your-face gauntlet thrown at ethnic groups, for whom the 2008 constitution is the main stumbling block to aspirations for a federal form of government.
Granted there are other pertinent issues going forth, such as the exclusion of some armed ethnic groups from the treaty (belying the term nationwide), military related matters such as disarmament, demobilization, etc., and social issues such as the return and rehabilitation of civilians displaced by armed conflicts, but against the backdrop of the army’s unmistakable ill will, the overriding issue undeniably is: “It’s the trust factor, stupid” – to put it in American parlance.
The ethnic armed groups, and an international community anxious to maintain the status quo, might be willing to give the government the benefit of the doubt, but for the ordinary citizen, it will be a struggle to trust a government which cannot even keep its word to young unarmed students, whose knee-jerk reaction has all along been to lie and cover up for crimes and abuses of power.
A peace activist lamented thus on social media: If not for the brutality of thugs with “duty” red armbands at Sule Square, and the police at Letpadaung (cracking down on students protesting peacefully for education reform), today (March 31) would be a happy day for me. But I cannot find it in my heart to trust a government whose viciousness displays an “Us Vs. Them” ethos against the non-military population.
The concern going forth is whether the ethnic armed groups – with their history of fractiousness and penchant for signing ceasefire treaties, individually or as a group – would be strong and united enough to stand their ground and be able to participate as real partners in the political negotiations stage. A failure to make ethnic concerns heard and addressed in any satisfactory manner, would only pave the way for a new generation of discounted ethnic youths taking up arms, even if the current leaders decide to make peace with the government.
From the Kachin perspective, the Kachin Independent Organization (KIO), arguably the group with the most solid public support, is the one most at risk. The KIO may have the unequivocal support of the Kachin people for now, but memories of the debacle of the 1994 ceasefire are still fresh, and the people are not shy about putting the KIO’s feet to the fire if they consider them failing in their commitments. In a meeting with Kachin religious leaders in Myitkyina on their return from negotiations in Yangon, the KIO team was put on notice of their promise not to sign any agreement without the knowledge of the Kachin public, and not to commit to any ceasefire agreement without first achieving political goals.
Amid the pitfalls of dealing with a government whose political will to negotiate in earnest is in doubt, armed ethnic groups are faced with the challenge of taking on the government so that they get to be treated as true partners in the peace process, or of setting themselves up to be trampled upon like doormats.

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Thursday, April 9, 2015

Tunnel rat

American hpe Hkrap shangun ai gaw Tunnel Rats ni re yaw !! Myen hpe Jahkrap na mung Tunnel Rats ni tai na matu Tunnel law law Htu da ga yaw !! Hpyendap tat Kau Sai ngu ai Ga hpe Myen ni Sha shaga ai baw Ga rai mat u ga '!! Kachin ni Galoi n shaga ra ai ga Rai mat sanu ga !! Padang Manau Nau na Kachin Amyu ni she re '!! MLH

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Monday, April 6, 2015

ဗမာ့တပ္မေတာ္ကျပည္ေထာင္စုတပ္မေတာ္မဟုတ္ /မဟာဗမာ့ဝါဒီမ်ားရဲ႕ တပ္မေတာ္တစ္ရပ္သာ ျဖစ္ပါေၾကာင္း

ဗမာ့တပ္မေတာ္က ကိုးကန္႕လူမ်ဳိးေတြကို ကိုးကန္႕ေဒသကေန ေမာင္းထုတ္ၿပီး အညာေဒသက ဗမာမ်ားကို ၾကက္ေျခနီအကူအညီနဲ႕ ကိုးကန္႕ေဒသထဲကို ျပန္ေခၚလာပါၿပီ။
ကိုးကန္႕တုိက္ပြဲျဖစ္တုန္းက ဗမာ့တပ္မေတာ္ထုတ္ျပန္တဲ့ motive ေတြမွာလည္း ဗမာမ်ားကိုသာ လုံျခဳံေရးေပးဖို႕ ပါဝင္ၿပီး ကိုးကန္႕မ်ားကိုက်ေတာ့ လမ္းလယ္ေခါင္မွာ ပစ္သတ္ခဲ့ပါတယ္။ ေသဆုံးတဲ့ အရပ္သားတိုင္းကိုလည္း ကိုးကန္႕လက္နက္ကိုင္မ်ားနဲ႕ ဆက္စပ္ျပၿပီး အျပစ္ကို ေရွာင္လႊဲခဲ့ပါတယ္။
မိမိတို႕တိုင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးမ်ား အေသအခ်ာ သိေနတာတစ္ခုမွာ ဗမာ့တပ္မေတာ္ဆိုတာ ျပည္ေထာင္စုတပ္မေတာ္မဟုတ္၊ ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္သာ ျဖစ္ပါေၾကာင္း။
ျမန္မာ့တပ္မေတာ္လို႕ ေျပာေပမဲ့လည္း မဟာဗမာ့ဝါဒီမ်ားရဲ႕ တပ္မေတာ္တစ္ရပ္သာ ျဖစ္ပါေၾကာင္း။ ဒီမဟာဝါဒီဗမာမ်ားဟာ ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေအာင္ဆန္းကို လုပ္ၾကံခဲ့တဲ့ အဆက္အႏႊယ္မ်ားသာ ျဖစ္ၾကပါေၾကာင္း ဒီမွာ ေျပာခ်င္တယ္။

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ျမန္မာလူမ်ိဳးေတြ ေစတနာေကာင္းတယ္ ဒါေပမယ့္ ဘာလို႔ အမ်ားစုဆင္းရဲေနၾကလဲ ေကာင္းလိုက္တဲ႔ ေမးခြန္း..ဒါကို လူတစ္ေယာက္က ဒီလိုေျဖသြားပါတယ္။

"အစိုးရကို အျပစ္မပုံခ်ဘဲ လူေတြရဲ႕ စိတ္ဓာတ္ကိုပဲ ေဝဖန္ရမယ္ဆိုရင္ေပ့ါ ၊ ျမန္မာအမ်ားစုက ( TEAM WORK )အားနည္းတယ္..မညီညြတ္ဘူး..ေဘးကေန ေသြးခြဲရလြယ္တယ္ ၊ မနာလိုစိတ္မ်ားတယ္.. အခ်င္းခ်င္းထဲ ကိုယ့္ကိုသာသြားမွာ မလိုလားဘူး..
မုဒိတာ မပြားႏိုင္ဘူး ၊ ၾကိဳးစားရမယ့္ေနရာ အေခ်ာင္ခိုခ်င္တယ္ ၊ ပိုက္ဆံရရင္ အျဖဳန္းမ်ားတယ္ ၊ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ရမွာ ေၾကာက္တယ္..ေသခ်ာပုံမွန္ရတဲ႔ ေငြကို ပိုမက္တယ္..ဝန္ထမ္းပိုလုပ္ခ်င္တယ္ ၊ အေတြးအေခၚပိုင္းမွာ တီထြင္ၾကံဆမႈနည္းတယ္..
မိရုိးဖလာအေတြးအေခၚကို မပယ္ႏိုင္ဘူး ၊ ေျပာင္းလဲေနတဲ႔ ေခတ္ကို လိုက္ႏိုင္ဖို႔ လိုအပ္တဲ႔ ပညာေရးအားနည္းတယ္..
ေဝဖန္တာေကာင္းၿပီး ေဆာင္ရြက္မႈအားနည္းတယ္ ၊ အၾကံဳျပဳတာေကာင္းၿပီး စီမံမႈညံ႕တယ္ ၊ ပုတ္ခတ္တာကို မတရားႀကိဳက္တယ္..ကိုယ္က်ရႈံးတိုင္း သူမ်ားလည္းက်ရႈံးမယ္ဆိုတဲ႔ အျမင္ရွိတယ္..ရႈံးၿပီး ျပန္ထဖို႕ ပ်င္းတယ္..မေအာင္ျမင္ရင္ ကံကို ပုံခ်တယ္..
ကိုယ့္ၾကံဳဖူးတဲ႔ အေတြ႔အၾကံဳတစ္ခုထဲနဲ႕ အရာေတာ္ေတာ္မ်ားကို တစ္ဖက္သတ္သုံးသပ္တယ္ ၊ ကိုယ္နဲ႕ အျမင္မတူရင္ အားမေပးဘဲ မတရားရႈံ႕ခ်တယ္ ၊ဘုရားရွိခိုးတိုင္း ခ်မ္းသာရပါလို၏ ဆုေတာင္းၿပီး အခြင့္အလမ္းလာရင္ အခြင့္အလမ္းမွန္းသိေအာင္ မေလ့လာဘဲ ေက်ာ္သြားတယ္ ၊ ၿပီးေတာ့ ပုံမွန္ဘဝထဲမွာ ခပ္ေပ်ာ္ေပ်ာ္ေနတယ္..ကိုယ့္အေၾကာင္းထက္ သူမ်ားအေၾကာင္းကို
ပိုစိတ္ဝင္စားတယ္..ေလကန္ၿပီး အခ်ိန္ျဖဳန္းတာမ်ားတယ္ ၊ပိုဆိုးတာက ပိုက္ဆံေတာ့ရွိပါရဲ႕ တိုးပြားေအာင္လုပ္ဖို႔ စိတ္ကူးနည္းတယ္..ပိုက္ဆံကို က်စ္က်စ္ပါေအာင္ ဆုပ္ထားတယ္..အက်ိဴးရွိေအာင္ မရင္းႏွီးတတ္ဘူး ၊ ဘဝမွာ ပိုက္ဆံတစ္ခုပဲရွိေအာင္လုပ္တယ္ ကိုယ္သိတာကို သိသလို အသုံးမခ်တတ္ဘူး ဒါေတြက ဆင္းရဲေစတာပါပဲ..."
" ကဲ....မွန္ေနသလားလို ။ Website: //

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ျမန္မာျပည္ကို တစ္လက္မမွ တိုင္တစ္ပါးအထိမခံဘူးဆိုတ့ဲ ျမန္မာ /မန္မာျပည္ကို အထိမခံပါဘူး အသက္လဲျပိးကာကြယ္မယ္ဆိုတ့ဲ ေအာက္ပိုင္းသားေတြ ႏႈတ္ပိတ္ျငိမ္ေနတာ ဘာ့ေၾကာင့္???

ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္ နမ္းခမ္း ျပသနာကို
အရင္အေၾကာင္းရွိခ့ဲလို အခုအေျခအေနကို ေဝဖန္သည္
ရွမ္ျပည္နယ္ နမ္းခမ္ျမိဳ႕ကို တရုတ္ေတြ နယ္ေက်ာ္အလံစိုက္ထူလာခ့ဲၾကတာကို သမၼတနဲ႔ နိင္ငံေတာ္ဝန္ၾကိး ၃၀ေက်ာ္ဦးက ႏႈတ္ပိတ္ျငိမ္ေနတာ ဘာ့ေၾကာင့္???
ျမန္မာျပည္ကို တစ္လက္မမွ တိုင္တစ္ပါးအထိမခံဘူးဆိုတ့ဲ မင္းေအာင္လိွဴင္ ပါးစပ္ဖ်ားက ေျပာတ့ဲ စကားဘယ္ေပ်ာက္ျပိလဲ???
(ဒါတစ္လက္မ ကိစၥမဟုတ္ဘူးေတာ္ ျမိဳ႕တစ္ျမိဳ႕မက ပါသြားမွာေနာ္)
ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ေျမာက္ဖ်ားပိုင္းမွာပိုဆိုး ပူတာအိုခရိုင္ တစ္ခုလုံးေျပာရမလို မလိချမစ္ရိုးတစ္ေလ်ာက္ကို တစ္ရုတ္လက္ထဲ အပ္ဖို႔ ဦးႏုလက္ထက္တုန္းက ၾကိဳးစားလာၾကျပိး မလိခနေဘးမွာ နိင္ငံနယ္နိမိတ္ ေက်ာက္တိုင္ လာစိုက္ဖို႔အထိ ၾကိဳးစားခ့ဲပါတယ္။ အဲခ်ိန္ ျမန္မာျပည္ကို အထိမခံပါဘူး အသက္လဲျပိးကာကြယ္မယ္ဆိုတ့ဲ ေအာက္ပိုင္းသားေတြ ႏႈတ္ပိတ္ အာတိတ္ ျငိမ္ေနျပိး တရုတ္ေတြအရာရွိ ပုဂၢိဳလ္ေတြ ေရာက္ရွိလာေတာ့ ေဒသခံ ရဝမ္လူၾကိးေတြနဲ႔ စကားဝိုင္း ျငင္းခုံခ့ဲၾကရတာပါပဲ။ အဲခ်ိန္က ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ဝန္ၾကိးတာဝန္ကို ဦးဇန္ထဆင္ ထမ္းေဆာင္ခ့ဲတုန္းမို႔ အမ်ဳိးခ်စ္စိတ္ အျပည့္နဲ႔ မလိချမစ္ရိုးတစ္ေလ်ာက္ဟာ ဘိုးေဘး စဥ္ဆက္ ၇၀မက က်ေနာ္တို႔ မိခင္နယ္
္ေျမျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း တရုတ္ေတြကို ေထာက္ျပေျပာဆို ျငင္းခုံခ့ဲရာ တရုတ္ေတြလည့္ျပန္သြားခ့ဲသည္။ ရြာငယ္အခ်ဳိ႕က တရုတ္ျပည္ဘက္မပါသင့္ဘဲ ပါသြားခ့ဲတယ္။
တရုတ္ေတြနဲ႔ စကားေျပာတုန္း ဦးႏုအေပါင္းအပါ ေတြ ေျပာကူဖို႔ေနေနသာသာ ပါးစပ္တစ္ခြန္းမွ မဟခ့ဲပါ။ တရုတ္ေတြျပန္လည့္သြားတ့ဲေနာက္မွ
ဦးႏုက ဦးဇနါထဆင္ဆီလာျပိး မင္းတို႔ ကခ်င္းသား ရဝမ္ေတြ ဒီလိုသမိုင္းဘယ္က သိတာလဲဟ ပါးစပ္ေဟာင္းေလာင္နဲ႔ အရွက္မရွိ လာေမးဖူးသည္။
(ငါေျပာေျပာပါတယ္ ဒီပုတ္ထဲက ဒီပဲ ဒီအမ်ဳိးပါပဲ ျဖစ္နိင္ေျခကို က်ေနာ္ေျပာတာပါ)
ေအာက္ပိုင္း ေအာက္ရြာ ပုဂံ ေညာင္ဦး သမိုင္းေတြကို က်ေနာ္သိေသာ္ျငားလည္း အေသးစိတ္မသိနိင္ပါ။ ထို႔နည္းတူ ေအာက္ပိုင္းကလူေတြလဲ ဒို႔နယ္အေၾကာင္းကို မင္းတို႔သိတယ္ဆိုတာက အေပၚစားေလာက္ပါကြာ။ (ကိုယ့္နယ္ကို ကိုယ့္အမ်ဳိးေတြကို ကိုယ့္ေသြးကပဲ ကာကြယ္လိမ့္မယ္)
ငါတို႔ေဒသ ငါတို႔သမိုင္း ငါတို႔ သိတာေပါ့။
ဒါေၾကာင့္ သင္ခန္းစာ ရွိျပိးသားမို႔ ငါတို႔နယ္ကို ကာကြယ္ရန္မွာ ငါတို႔သာျဖစ္တယ္ ျပည္ေထာင္စုသားေတြပါ ဆိုတ့ဲ အာေပါေလေပါ နဲ႔ ေအာက္ပိုင္းက တတ္လာျပိး သမိုင္းမသိ ဇ မသိ ဗမာေတြလာအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္တာကို အလိုမရွိပါ။
(ဒါေၾကာင့္ ဖယ္ဒရယ္ကို ရမွျဖစ္မည္)
ႏႈတ္ပိတ္ျငိမ္ေနတာ ဘာ့ေၾကာင့္???

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Friday, April 3, 2015

Barking up the wrong tree (2): Ceasefire as an end

By Nmang Naw / Opinion/Analysis  / April 2, 2015

NCCT-UPWC representatives signing a draft agreement (Photo: MPC)

On the 31st of March, the government negotiators, military commanders, ruling party lawmakers and ethnic armed group representatives approved and finalized a draft nationwide ceasefire agreement. If endorsed and signed by the ethnic arm groups, this accord can potentially bring respite to prolonged conflict between the government army and majority of ethnic resistance groups.
The endorsement prompted many commendations and approvals from key international interest groups such as UN, US, and China. It is hailed as “a potentially historic step,” a “significant achievement” and a “crucial first stage” toward achieving peace and national reconciliation. Such positive responses and approvals from international community explain urgency from the part of Burmese government to bring such progress.  President Thein Sein attended the ceremony to witness such much anticipated and welcome progress, urging the nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) must “definitely” be signed in April.
As reported, difficult political issues—such as disarmament of rebels, creation of a federal army and issues relating to federal autonomy— were omitted in a draft to be signed. (Irrawaddy news) Thus, in a way the nationwide ceasefire accord, if signed, would not address any pivotal issue desired by the ethnic arm groups. More importantly, it betrays the core concern of the coalition of ethnic arm groups (UNFC) as the government rejects the Kokang resistance group to be one of the signatory groups of the ceasefire agreement.  In the past, UNFC has repeatedly voiced its concern over the government practice of divide and rule, pressuring a particular ethnic arm group while making a ceasefire deal with the others.
In Burma politics, such ceasefire arrangement between the government and ethnic arm groups is a business as usual. Ceasefire pacts have been always used to divert, divide, and ultimately, to delay the ethnic demand for their rights and self-determination.  The unusual thing about this time is the attention received from international community made possible by the current savvy so-called reform government.
The out-flowing positive responses to recent achievement toward potential ceasefire agreement remind us of Joseph Conrad’s observation that “the power of sound has always been greater than the power of sense” in politics.  In light of Burmese government’s use of ceasefire to manage and postpone the conflict, it is way too soon to celebrate.  Unless the NCA is immediately followed by a political dialogue with substantive measures and goals, the ceasefire will short-live transpiring to be the same old story.
Ceasefire deals can bring many political advantages without giving up any crucial interest of the military government. The 17 years of ceasefire period in Kachin State shows that it is an effective and beneficial conflict management tool for the government. First, it portrays the military government as peace-loving rulers. Second, it serves as a consent to expand and exploit their grasp on ethnic territories and resources previously unreached by the military and its venture capitalist cronies. Third, it promotes the myth of military as a safeguard of an endangered nation, and thus,  provides legitimation for continued military built-ups.
Thus, nationwide ceasefire agreement means Burmese military won and its aggression is rewarded, again. President indicated that achieving nationwide ceasefire agreement would be a “priceless success”( Myanmar Times) since it can showcase as a tangible progress of reform to international community, reduce overwhelming stresses from multiple frontlines against ethnic arm groups ,and more importantly, continue the business as usual as the military at the helm of Burma politics.
Thus, as successive governments in Burma, achieving ceasefire deal with ethnic resistance groups is the end goal for current reform government. The ceasefire deals forged in the past have resulted to be an official consent from the part of ethnic minorities in order to allow military government and its cronies to exploit and denigrate their own people and land. In his insightful observation of history, Hegel said that “we learn from history that we do not learn from history.” It is hoped that the repeated failures of the past ceasefire deals would serve as cautionary markers in order to avoid from being bogged down in the same old pitfall.
As if now, the Burmese military is in a better position in many ethnic areas.  For instance, the government military’s effort to occupy KIA’s posts intensified and succeeded as ceasefire talk was going on in Yangon. Moreover, the joint declaration of the draft also subtly indicates ethnic groups’ acceptance of the government’s refusal to include the Kokang arm group (MDAA), which is also a member of the NCCT. Thus, one of the intentions of ceasefire deal which is to isolate and crush a particular group is momentarily accomplishing in Northern Shan State.
The very definition of ceasefire also underscores that it is “an agreement to stop fighting a war for a period of time so that a permanent agreement can be made.” (Merriam-Webster). Ceasefire, in fact is a means to an end. Thus, it must not be, again, mistaken as an end that will merely provide deeper distrust and grievances in the relationship between the Burmese government and ethnic minorities.

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Wednesday, April 1, 2015

Ballpen langai hte Sign kalang htu nna Mungdan jahten mai ai "N RAI"

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Tatma 88 kaw na Tatma Mho wa tsun ai da, Ya na zawn GInjaw salang ni Nay Pyi Daw de du nna bawngban hpawng galaw ai, Sign htu hkat hkra ladat shaw ai lam ni gaw, ( KIO / KIA ) ni hpe myit garan, n-gun garan ya let, ga law hkat shangun na matu re ngu tsun ai da .....
Ya yang ..... buga ginra hkan na kanu kawa nkau mi a nsen gaw, Myen hte simsa lam la na matu Sign bai htu masai da nga nna, garu kachyi byin taw nga ma ai. Ndai hpe atsawm sanglang dan ra na re .... Ndai zawn anhte myu sha ni a lapran kasu kabrawng byin hkra, myit mala hka mat hkra myen ni galoi mung galaw ding yang rai ma ai.
Dai majaw ngai gaw, Simsa lam la na matu, Sign htu ai n re .... ngu nna
kadun dawk sha htai dat sai .... galu kalang tsun na aten n lu shi na re ....

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ဒီအစိုးရက ျပည္သူကိုယ္စားမျပဳပါ

AA စစ္ခ်ဳပ္ရဲ႕စကားကို ေသခ်ာဖတ္ပါ
ဒီအစိုးရက ျပည္သူကိုယ္စားမျပဳပါ
ဒီျမန္မာ/ဗမာစစ္တပ္က ျပည္ေတာင္စု ကိုယ္စားမျပဳပါ
ဒါကိုမ်ား "မင္းတို႔ကိုဘအဓိမွတ္ျပဳတယ္ မျပဳဘူး
လက္နက္ခ်ပါ BGF ေျပာင္းပါ အင္းအားဘယ္ေလာက္ပဲ စုပါ" ၾကိးၾကိးက်ယ္က်ယ္ လုပ္ခ်င္တ့ဲ စစ္တပ္ စစ္အစိုးရ
"(သူတို႔ အဓိအမွတ္ျပဳတယ္ မျပဳဘူးဆိုတာက သိပ္ျပိး အဆုံးျဖတ္မဟုတ္ပါဘူး။
အဓိကေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႔ လုပ္သင့္လုပ္ထိုက္တ့ဲဟာကို လုပ္ေနဖို႔ကပဲ ပိုအေရးၾကိးပါတယ္။
သူတို႔က က်ေနာ္တို႔ကို အဓိမွတ္မျပဳဘူး ေျပာလို႔ရသလို က်ေနာ္တို႔လဲ သူတို႔ကို အဓိမွာမျပဳလို႔ လက္နက္ကိုင္ေတာ္လွန္ေနတာေပါ့။)"

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