The Kachin Ethno-Nationalism over Their Historical Sovereign Land Territories in Burma/Myanmar ( Jinghpaw a Lamu ga Labau )

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ByYaw Htung * Institute of Human Rights and Peace Studies, Mahidol University, Thailand Received 19 May 2021; Received in revised form 19 November 2021 Accepted 11 February 2022; Available online Day Month 2022

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INSTITUTION OF KACHIN DU-WASHIP (1852-1930)

PhD DISSERTATION

KAW NAN

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY

UNIVERSITY OF MANDALAY

MYANMAR

NOVEMBER 2013INSTITUTION OF KACHIN DU-WASHIP (1852-1930)University of Mandalay

INSTITUTION OF KACHIN DU-WASHIP (1852-1930)

A Dissertation Submitted to the University of Mandalay

In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

in

History

Department of History

Kaw Nan

4 PhD- Hist-5

Mandalay, Myanmar

November 2013 Abstract

The objective of writing this dissertation is to present the fact that before and

during the British occupation, old administrative system of Kachin Du-waship

gradually waned away under the colonial administration and new set up of

administrative system took place. Organizational formation of Kachin

administrative pattern, different nature of judicial administration, different

classification between criminal cases and civil suits are also discussed. The laws,

regulations, rulings and judgments of some important orders were issued by senior

Kachin elders. Before colonial administration was well set up, there appeared

three Kachin administrative systems: Gumchying Gumtsa, Gumsa and Gumlau .

Pros and cons of this local ruling system was the most complicated in nature.

During the Colonial Period, Kachin administrative pattern was dominated by the

customary law. This dissertation also examines the continuities and changes of

legal administration, status of ruling class and society. TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

Abstract iv

List of Appendices vi

List of Maps vii

List of Photographs viii

List of Tables ix

List of Abbreviations x

Glossary xv

Introduction xviii

Chapters

1. Kachin before the British Rule (1852-1885) 1

2. Kachin under the British Rule (1885-1930) 46

3. Jurisdiction and Taxation 84

4. Changes in Ruling Class 113

Conclusion 144

Maps 151

Photographs 154

Appendices 156

Bibliography 168List of Appendices

Page

1. Appointment Order of Kachin Headman 156

2. The Kachin Hill-tribes Regulation 158

3. Kachin Tracts 159 List of Maps

Page

1. Map of the Northern Myanmar 152

2. Map of the Kachin Hills Area 153 List of Photographs

Page

1. Kachin Du-was met with Governor Sir Hercourt Butler at Rangoon

in 1924

155

2 Troops of Namhkek Du-wa's personal body guard 155 List of Tables

Page

1. The Kachin and related races served the British military service up

to July 1930

78

2 Serving in July, 1930 79

3 Reported Crimes between 1st June 1897 and 31st May 1898 96

4 1901-21 Year Bhamo and Myitkyina Districts of Criminal Cases 97

5 1901-21 Year Bhamo and Myitkyina Districts of Total Revenue 105

6 Jade and Amber 108

7 Kachin Baptist Church Annual Educational Statistics, By Districts,

and Total (1883-1911)

129

8 Educational Statistic, Bhamo District Between 1901 to 1911 130

9 Educational Statistic, Myitkyina District Between 1911 to 1921 130

10 Bhamo, Myitkyina and Katha District, Population of Religion till

1911

137

11 List of Christians in (1882-1925) 138 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

Aye Aye Hlaing, 2008 “Opium in Myanmar (1885-1948)”, Ph.D

Dissertation, Mandalay University, 2008

Barnard, 1925

"History of Putao", Journal of the Burma

Research Society, Vol. XV, 1925

Bawk Lar, 1980

Sama Du-wa Sin War Nawng A-thu Pa-ti

(Biography of Sama Du-wa Sin War Nawng),

Yangon, Nay Yi Yi Press, December 1980

Bhamo District, 1913

The Bhamo District, Vol.B, Rangoon,

Government Printing, 1913

Brang Di, 1996

Prat Ningnan Wunpawng Ahtik Labau

Kadun(Modern History of Kachin) New Delhi,

Pan Kachin Development Society, 1996

Brang Hpa, 1998

"Kachin: Their Tradition and Customs",

University of Mandalay, M.A (Thesis), 1998

Bunghku, 2009

Jinghpaw the Ginra( Jinghpaw and Place),

Myitkyina, Computer Script , 2009

Crosthwaite, 1968

The Pacification of Burma, London, Frank Cass

& Co. Ltd., 1968

Dawson, 1960

Burma Gazetteer, Bhamo District, Rangoon,

Superintendent Government Printing, 1960

Enriquez, 1933

The Races of Burma, Calcutta, Government of

India Publication, 1933

Fan Cho, 1961

The Man Shu: Book of the Southern Barbarian,

Translated by Gordan H.Luce, edited by

G.P.Obay, New York, Department of Far

Eastern Studies, 1961 xi

Gildhodes, 1922

The Kachin: Religion and Mythology, Calcutta,

Catholic Orphan Press, 1922

Green, 1935 "The Tribes of upper Burma north of 24

latitude and their classification", Typescript

dissertation, Haddan Library, Cambridge, 1935

Hanson, 1913

The Kachins: Their Customs and Traditions,

Rangoon, American Baptist Mission Press,

1913

Harvey, 1967

History of Burma from the earlist time to 10

March 1824, London, Frank Cass and Co.

Lt.d.,1967

Hertz, 1960

Burma Gazetteer, Myitkyina District, Vol.A,

Rangoon, Government Printing and Stationary,

1960

Htoisan, 2002

Ka-chin Toe-ei English-Ne-che San-kyin-ye

Taik-pwè (Kachin Nationalist's anti- imperialist

Campaigns) May Offset, Yangon, 2002

Kachin Dha-le Phyat-htone,

1973

Kachin Dha-le Phyat-htone, Kachin State

culture series (1), Kachin State Culture Section,

Department of Culture, Yangon, Printing and

Stationary Cooperation, 1973

Kachin Hill Manual, 1906

Kachin Hill Manual, Rangoon, Superintendent

Government Printing, 1906

Kachin Hills Manual, 1959

The Kachin Hills Manual, as corrected up to 3rd

January 1948, Rangoon, Government Printing,

Burma, 1959

Kachin Military History, 1954 The Kachin Military History, The Army

Military Pensioners Ex-servicemen's

Association, Bhamo, 1954

Kyan, 1978

Myanmar Naing-ngan A-chay A-nay(1885-86)

(The Situation of Myanmar Naing-ngan (1885-

86), Yangon, Sarpay Beikman Press, 1978 xii

Kyan, 2003 "Ma-ha Wun-shin-taw Min-gyi-ôk-chôk-ye

(1886-87)"(Administration of Chief

Commissioner), Rangoon, Sa-pe Loka Press,

June, 2003

Lashi Naw, 1958

Jinghpaw Mung de Hkristan Sasana Shang wa

ai lam (The coming of Christianity to the

Kachin's Land), Myitkyina, Hanson Memorial

Press, 1958

Lawang Li, 1980

Jinghpaw Wunpawng sha ni nga yu hkrat wa ai

Ahtick Labau, in Kachin (Migration of

Jinghpaw Tribes), Myitkyina, Hanson Memorial

Press, 1980

------------, 1995

Myit-kyi-na-myo Tha-maing

(History of

Myitkyina), Jinghpaw Kasa Press, Myitkyina,

1995

Leach, 1964

Political Systems of Highland Burma, Great

Britain, Fletch & Son Co. Ltd, 1964

Lhovo, 1967

Lhovo –Thamaing Achine Chok ( A Brief

History of Lhovo) Com Waingmaw, typescript,

1967

Ma Nawng, 1944

The History of Kachin of the Hukawng Valley,

translated and noted by J.L, Bombay, Time of

India Press, 1944

Myitkyina District, 1925

Burma Gazetteer, The Myitkyina District,

Vol.B, Rangoon, Government Printing, 1925

Naw Angeline, 1978 “Kachin-taung-tan-detha-ôk-chôk-ye(1885-

1923)” (Administration of Kachin Hill Tract

(1885-1923), M.A (Thesis), History

Department, Yangon University, 1978 xiii

Naw Awn, 1956

Ginru Ginsa ( the Origion of Kachin), Maymyo,

Typetscript, 1956

Nyein Maung, 1998 She-haung Myamar Kyauk-sa Mya, (Ancient

Myanmar Inscriptions), Fifth Vol: Archaeology

Department, 1998

RAB, 1896 Report on the Administration of Burma, 1895-

96, Yangon, Government Printing, Burma, 1896

RNEF, 1898 Report on the North- Eastern Frontier for the

year of 1897-98, Yangon, Government Printing,

Burma, 1898

RNEF, 1910 Report on the North- Eastern Frontier for the

year of 1909-10, Yangon, Government Printing,

Burma, 1910

RNEF, 1917 Report on the North- Eastern Frontier for the

year of 1916-17, Yangon, Government Printing,

Burma, 1917

RNEF, 1923 Report on the North- Eastern Frontier for the

year of 1922-23, Yangon, Government Printing,

Burma, 1923

Robert and Betty, 1965 " Rawang Migration Routes and Oral

Tradition", M.A (Thesis), Ascona, Switzerland,

1965

Sai Aung Tun, 2009

History of The Shan State from its Origins to

1962, Bangkok, O.S Printing House, 2009

Scott and Hardiman, 1900

Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Shan States,

Part.I, vol.i, Rangoon, the Superintendent

Government Printing, 1900

Sinwa, 1996 Dureng Labau, (History of Dureng Clan),

Myitkyina, Jinghpaw Kasa Press, 1996 xiv

Stevenson, 1954

The Hill People of Burma, London, Longman

and Green, 1954

Sumlut Gam, 1982

Wunpawng Htunghking Labau Laika, (History

of Kachin Culture), Myitkyina, Jinghpaw Kasa

Press, 1982

Tangshing Tang, 1998

"History of Putao Township", M.A Thesis,

Department of History, University of

Mandalay, 1998

Tegenfeldt, 1974

A Century of Growth: The Kachin Baptish

Church of Burma, California, Willian Carey

Library, 1974

Than Tun, 2002

Khit-haung- Myanmar Ya-za-wun (Ancient

Myanmar History), Third Edition, Yangon,

Sarlouknghan Press, 2002

Tin Maung Yin, 1969 "A-htat Myan-mar-naing-ngan-ko British-to

Thein-yu-pyie-nauk Taung-tan-day-tha-myae

ko Thein-thwin Khae-pon,"(The occupation of

the Hill Tracts after the annexation of Upper

Myanmar), Literary and Social-Science

Journal, Vol.II, No.3, September 1969

Woodman, 1962

The Making of Burma, London, Cresset Press,

1962

Yet-swe, 2002

Kachin De-ta Yet-swe Tha-maing (AD 556-

1885)( Chronology of Kachin Region),

Collection Research of Kachin Historical

Records, Myitkyina University, History

Department, 2002

Zau Rip, 2001 Jinghpaw Mung the Ngai ( I and Kachin State),

Myitkyina, Jinghpaw Kasa Press, 2001 GLOSSARY

Agyi-wa

Head of Village

An Hpu

Rawaung called Jinghpaw

An Hpu Hpa

Lisu called Jingphpaw

B'oak

Maru called Jinghpaw

Chaupha (or) Cho Hpa

Lisu called Maw

Darat Daroi

Ordinary class

Dha-mma-that

Treaties

Du, Magam

The ruling class

Du-wa

Kachin Chief

Ga

Region

Gam Di Ga

Sand Stone Pots region

Gumchying Gumsa

Feudal system

Gumlau

Anti-feudal system

Gumrawng Gumtsa

People who have liberty

Gumsa

Feudal system

Heins

Lesser chief

Hting-gaw

Family

Hka

Debt

Hka Hku Ga

Up river land

Hkawng Wang Ga

Hkawng wang Region

Hkin Du Yang

Hkin Du Plain

Hkrang Hku Majoi

Upper Hkrang river

Hkringmang

Arbitration Group

Hlut-taw

The highest administrative body of Myanmar King xvi

Hpaga

Wealth Objects

Hpaung NawnYang

Hpoung Nawn Region

Hpu Um Ga

Hpu Um region

Hpunggan Du-wa

Hpunggan chief

Htingnai Ga

The low lands

Ju-kawng

Cremation mounds

Kahtawng

Village

Ka-khyen

Ethics name

Kansi or Ginsi Du-wa

Chief of Jade mines region

Khaing –Sar

Tax which was fixed as tithe

Kha-P'ok

Kachin Slaves

Lang

Chinese called Maru

Langwa

Azi called Maru

Langwaw

Lashi called Maru

Madai Nat

The sky spirit

Mahtang Tawng-Sa

Mahtang Hill chief

Majoi Shingra Bum

Kachin Original Land

Mang Zaw

Maw, Lashi, Azi called elder people

Man-hu-man-ta

Tithe percent fixed on the jade trade

Mare

Big village

Maw - ôk

Administrator of Jade extracting area

Maw-htein

Chief controller of Jade extracting area

Mayam

Slave

Mung or Mang

State (Shan)

Mungga Madi

Promise which was given to litigant

Myitsu ni

Wise men

Myo - ôk

Town officer

Myo-za

A person to whom the Crown's share of the

revenue of a Myo has been alienated xvii

Myo-wun

Town officer

Nawra yang Ga

Dancing Floor

Ngawng Mayam

The slave who did not live together with Du-was

Ninggawn wa

The creator

N'kawn n'sha Du-wa

Who did not get the taxes

N'kawn Sha Du-wa

Who got the taxes

Paw maings

Lesser chiefs

P'ok

Lashi called Jinghpaw

Salang Hpawng

Salang Council

Sam-tai

Some Kachin claimed as Shan nationals and

gradually changed into Shan group

Saw-bwa

Shan chief

Shadip Nat

The earth spirit

Shatung

Azi called Jinghpaw

Sinli Ga

North Hsenwi state

Sinpraw Ga

Eastern land

Su Rawng

The class born from ordinary class father and slave

mother

Sumrai Hka Hpaga

Compensation fees for illegal pregnancy case

Taung - ôk

Ethic chief

Taung-ya

Dry cultivation

Taung-za

Kachin traditional chieftain

Tha-tha-me-da

House taxes

Thein phaw or Singhpo

Ethics name

Timung Mayam

The slave who lived together with Du-was

Uma Du

Head of the youngest son branch

Wun-dauk

Appointed official who took charge of

administrative affairs

INTRODUCTION

The Kachins were lived in the northern most of Myanmar. The term “Kachin” is a

Myanmar word because Myanmar people refer to all the tribes of northern hill as

Kachin. They were recorded as Kachin or Theinphaw in ancient Myanmar records.

The word Kachin first appeared in English in about 1837. Before that, only the

word Ka-khyen was used. In Kachin traditional administrative system, there were

three basic type which were Gumrawng Gumtsa or Feudal System , Gumchying

Gumsa or Feudal System and Gumlau or anti-feudal system. By these system

together with the chiefs of Du, Magam, Agyi-wa and Salang’s supervision,

Kachins had lived since 1st century A.D and practiced those administration

systems of Kachin, rules and rich people bought and owned slaves.

Under the Myanmar kings, Myanmar kings did not fix the charge and

taxation from Kachin except from forest resources as commemoration. The exact

number of faithful Kachin chiefs or Taung-sa was not known. There were some

example of relationship with Kachin during King Mindon’s reign such as the visit

and giving offer from Kachin Taung-sa surrounding Mogaung and Bhamo. In

1836, Daipha Gam who lived in Hukawng Valley was awarded the title by

Myanmar Kings.

After the annexation of Upper Myanmar in 1885, when the British entered

into the Kachin Hill Tracts, there were began anti-imperialism by fighting against

the British by the Kachin. Especially, the Kachin in the surrounding area of

Mogaung strongly fought against the British. So the British made more

reinforcements and suppressed the rebels. Only in 1893 suppression in Kachin Hill xix

Regions came to an end. After the British organizing the Kachin Hill regions,

Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation of 1895 was enacted. By this regulation the Du

was ruled the people according the respective races and villages and the

traditional customs. The Kachins had three administration system, the British liked

more the Gumsa administration system. By the way, it was only under the British

that the Du-was and Agyi-wa were separately appointed and instead of Taung-sa

in the Myanmar kings , Taung-ôks were appointed.

After the years of 1897-98 , the British appointed Taung-ôks who subjected

them. The Taung-ôk duty was to collect the number of houses, list of guns and

collected taxes, and decided upon the Kachin ethnic group according to Kachin

Customary Law. During 1897-98, the British recruited the Kachins to serve

Military Police Battalion. In 1914, three coys were organized under Bhamo

Military Police Battalion. Du-was and Agyi-was of all clans were among the

soldiers. They were fighting in the western European front-lines. So, they gained

new experiences and knowledge and to become literate, educated , government

servants and officers. Although till 1930 there were many changes in Kachin, their

traditional administration system and jurisdiction was not changed. The British

government also permitted their traditional administration system. CHAPTER ONE

KACHIN BEFORE THE BRITISH RULE

he term "Kachin" is a Myanmar word

refer to all the ethnic minorities of

northern hills. 1 They were recorded as Kach

in or Theinphaw in ancient

Myanmar records. It was stated in the Myanmar inscriptions of 1442 that there

was Kachin Region in the territory of Myanmar Kings.2 No literary records nor

reference are found in Kachin people. They handed down their ancestor's descent

orally and traditionally from generation to generation.

The word "Kachin" first appeared in English in about 1837. Before that,

only the word Ka-khyen was used. The word "Ka-khyen" was first used by the

American Missionary Rev. Kincaid. It was stated that Kincaid reached Mogaung

in 1837 and met Ka-khyen people as follows:

.....in the distant highlands are multitudes of Kakhyens, a people who

from time immemorial have resisted idolatry. What a field this is for the

evangelist; what man, who feels for his fellowman would not like to gird

on the armor of God, and labor for the establishment of Christ's kingdom

here?3

1 E.R.Leach, Political Systems of Highland Burma, Great Britain, Fletch & Son Co.Ltd.,

1964, 41 (Henceforth: Leach, 1964)

2 (a) U Nyein Maung, Shae-haung Myanmar Kyauk-sa Mya, (Ancient Myanmar

Inscriptions), Fifth Vol: Archaeology Department, 1998 p.23 (Henceforth: Nyein Maung, 1998)

(b) Nyein Maung,1998, 155

3 (a) H.G, Tegenfeldt, A Century of Growth: The Kachin Baptish Church of Burma,

California, Willian Carey Library, 1974, p. 80,91 (Henceforth: Tegenfeld, 1974)

(b) Ola, Hanson, The Kachins: Their Customs and Tradition, Rangon, American Baptist

Mission Press, 1913, p.18 (Henceforth: Hanson, 1913)

T 2

It is assumed that the British later stated Ka-khyen as Kachin. So,

concerning with the term "Kachin", Leach stated:

Kachin is a Romanization of the Burmese term. This spelling came to

use about 1890. Prior to that the usual form was Ka-khyen. For the

Burmese the category was originally applied to the barbarians of the

north-east frontiers. It first appears in English around 1837. It was used

as a general term for the hill tribesmen, other than Palaung. This

population was included speakers of the languages and dialects known as

Jinghpaw, Gauri, Maru, Azi, Lashi and Lisu.4

Besides, Singhpos people lived in Assam and Singhpos and Jinghpaw were

the same. They are known in India as Singhpos. Singhpo is so called by the

Assamese because Assamese cannot sound the alphabet "ch". For example

"children" would be pronounced by the Assamese as "sildren". Hence, the

Jinghpaw became as "Singhpo" in India.5

The Myanmar went and attacked Assam in 1817 and 1820. It seems that the

Myanmars met with Singhpos at that time. Therefore, the Myanmars, probably

first used the term "Kachin" and Theinphaw and it seems they might have been

called as the uncivilized mountaineers of Mogaung and Hukawng Valley. Then, in

early 19th century, the Kachins were referred to as Ka-khyen in written language

and in the late 19th century, the words "Kachin" was used. Moreover, Jinghpaw, or

Singhpo, Maru, Lashi, Azi, Lisu and Rawang people were referred to as the hill

tribesmen known as in the ethnic group of Kachin, and they themselves accepted

this.6

4 Leach, 1964, 41

5 Maran, Brang Di, Prat Ningnan Wunpawng Ahtik Labau Kadun (Modern History of

Kachin) ,New Delhi, Pan Kachin Development Society , 1996, p.51 (Henceforth: Brang Di, 1996)

6 Dorothy Woodman, The Making of Burma, London, Cresset Press, 1962, p.63

(Henceforth: Woodman, 1962) 3

Kachins live in Assam and east of Assam, northern Myanmar and north

eastern mountains of Myanmar, west Yunan and at the boundary of Myanmar and

China.7 They live in Myanmar the northern Shan State and Bhamo, Katha Areas to

the south Kachin Theinphaws of Konbaung Period widely lived in the north,

north-east, hilly regions of north-east in northern Myanmar, west Hkamti, east of

Chindwin River, Uru-se-ywa, Mogaung, Bhamo- Katha, Moemeik, Moehlaing,

Mansi, Hsenwi Shan State. Kachins are the descents of Tibeto-Chinese.

Languages veined and differed according to the descending route of the tribes.8 It

is assumed that tribes can be distinguished according to the languages they speak.

Sino -Tibetan

Tibet - Myanmar

Assam - Myanmar

Naga, Chin, Kachin

Myanmar Lo Lo

Kachin Maru Lisu

Jinghpaw or Singhpo Lashi Rawang

Azi9

In Kachin people, included are the Jinghpaw, Maru, Lashi, Azi, Lisu and Rawang

tribes who are different in language and similar in culture and tradition. The

concept that all those six tribes are descended from Majoi Shingra Bum Region. 10

7 J. George Scott and J.P. Hardiman, Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Shan States,

Part.I, vol.i, Rangoon, the Superintendent Government Printing, 1900, p. 331 (Henceforth: Scott

and Hardiman, 1900)

8 Daw Kyan, Myanma Naing Ngan A-che A-ne (1885-86), (The Situation of Myanmar

Naing-gan (1885-86)) , Yangon, Sa-pe Beikman Press, 1978, p.171 (Henceforth: Kyan, 1978)

9 Than Tun, Khit-haung Myanmar Ya-za-win (Ancient Myanmar History), Third Edition,

Yangon, Sarlouknghan Press, 2002, p. 43 (Henceforth: Than Tun, 2002)

10Natural flat Mountain 4

According to the western connoisseurs estimation, Majoi Shingra Bum

region is assumed to be the Mongolia plateau between east Tibet plateau and west

Xichuan.11 There are four groups in Kachin according to their spoken words. They

are

1. Jinghpaw Language Group

2. Maru Lashi Azi Language Group

3. Nung Rawang Language Group

4.Lisu Language Group

In Jinghpaw Language Group, there are Jinghpaw , Gauri, Tsasen, Duleng,

Hkahku and Htingnai In Maru Language Group, there are Maru, Lashi, Azi,

Mainghta and Hpon. There are some different words in Nung Rawang Language

Group. In Lisu Language Group, there are differences and discrepancies according

to the regions.12 Therefore, their political concepts also differ according to their

languages' differences.

In a mixed community of Lisu, Azi, Maru and Jinghpaw speakers, the

Jinghpaw speakers group will have solidarity among themselves as against the rest.

Politically speaking, the Azi are quite indistinguishable as a group from Gumsa

Jinghpaw. The empirical fact that in some parts of the Kachin Hills encounter

extreme examples of this language factionalism, where as in other areas the

Kachin sub-groups adopted Jinghpaw speech must be seen as an symptom of some

contrast in political ideology. This bring us to the topic of Gumsa and Gumlau. 13

Kachin themselves have names for various districts. Thus-

(1) "Sinpraw Ga", the eastern land, roughly the Bhamo and Sadon Districts:

(2) "Sinli Ga", north Hsenwi State;

11(a) Leach, 1964, 230

(b) Hanson, 1913, 13

12Leach, 1964, 44-45

13Leach, 1964, 50 5

(3) "Htingnai Ga", the low lands, the region between Mogaung and Katha;

(4) "Hka Hku Ga", up river country, the region to the north of the N'mai

Mali Hka confluence and so on.14

In those places mentioned above, Jinghpaw language is the most common

among Kachin. Intonation and Usage differ according to the region they live.

Jinghpaws call themselves Jinghpaw, meaning "human". Jinghpaws are called

B'ouk by Maru, P'ok by Lashi, Shatung by Azi, An Hpu by Rawang and Ah Hpu

Hpa by Lisu.15 Marus also call themselves Lawngwaw, which means "the tribe

which decends from the north". Marus are called Lang by Chinese, Langwaw by

Lashi, Langwa by Azi, Maru by Jinghpaw, Maru or Lalau by Rawang and

Chaupha or Cho Hpa by Lisu. From these expressions, it is found out that Maru,

Lashi and Azi call Marus like Chinese. Therefore, it is assumed that they have

lived more closely with Chinese than other tribes. Besides Jinghpaw's and

Rawang's usages are found out to be the same. So, the descending routes of

Jinghpaw and Rawang are estimated to be the same. Jinghpaw Group is said to

have followed with Thet of northwest Myanmar, Kadu Kanan, Chin, Naga and

Shan and reached Assam. Maru, Lashi and Azi lived to the east and southeast of

Myanmar and they entered into Myanmar from the east and southeast, from

Yunnan, China.16

Some Kachin Historians stated that Kachin people first lived in the region

called Hkawng Wang Ga which is among the rivers of Yanzi of west Xichuam,

Mekhong and Thanlwin and the place of Tibet Plateau. Rawang, Maru, Lashi and

14Leach, 1964, 55

15Branghpa, Kachin: Their Tradition and Customs, M.A (Thesis), History Department ,

University of Mandalay, 1998, p.1 (Henceforth: Branghpa, 1998)

16 Lhovo Literature and Cultural Committee, “Lhovo Tha-maing A-kyin-choke” (A Brief

History of Lhovo), Waingmaw, Typescript, 1967, p.37 ( Henceforth, Lhovo, 1967) 6

Azi left there and Jinghpaws, after crossing the N'mai Hka River, settled dawn at

Putao Plain where Mali Hka River started which was also called Mali Hku

Majoi.17 Some records stated that Jinghpaws entered Myanmar from the north,

avoiding from the difficult, hard and steep ice mountains. Some Jinghpaws

migrated to Assam. Therefore Jinghpaws lived in Putao Plain or Hpaung Nawn

Yang18 in A.D 1st century that is the earliest time in their history.19

From the Putao plain, the Jinghpaw moved and settled in the basin where

Chyai Hka River flowed into Mali Hka River on the south eastern side. In that

region they met with Maru, Lashi, Azi Rawang and Lisu tribes who had come

down from N'mai Hka River. They combined together and grew in strength.20

While they were staying in these regions, they sometimes attacked and tobbed the

Chinese merchants who had crossed over and entered into their region. Because of

the interference of the Kachin, the Chinese had to stay with Kachin in good term.21

It was shown in the Chinese record between A.D 350 and 1000 there existed

connection with the b'uok tribes as: "the wild and troublesome" "b'uok tribes'

living apparently in the mountain to the west of Yung Chan'g who had produced

rhinoceros, elephant, tortoiseshell, Jade, Amber, cowries, gold, silver, salt-well,

cinnamon and cotton trees, hill paddy and panicled millet.22

According to Jinghpaw tradition, by the time Jinghpaw arrived at the

present Putao plain the pre-Kachin inhabitant tribes were using pots made of sand

17Lawang Li, Jinghpaw Wunpawng Shani-nga-yu-hkrat-wa-ai A-htick Labau, in Kachin

(Migration of Jinghpaw tribes), Myitkyina, Hanson Memorial Press, p.6 (Henceforth: Lawang Li,

1980)

18Hpung Nawn Plain

19Sum Du Sinwa, Dureng Labau, (History of Dureng Clan), Myitkyina, Jinghpaw Kasa

Press , 1996, p. 36 (Henceforth: Sinwa: 1996)

20Lawang Li, 1980, 23

21Lawang Li, 1980, 23,24

22Leach, 1964, 239 7

stone. From them Kachin had learned the method of making and using stone pots.

That was the Jinghypaw called the regions as "Ga-gam Di galaw ai shara" means:

stone pot making region, and it was later called "Gam Di Ga",23 The Jinghpaw,

Rawang and Lisu tribes in that region still called the Putao Region as "Gam Di".

Betty Morse had pointed out that bits of ancient pots had been dug out from the

region of mountain range west of Putao. The following is the account given by

Betty:

West of Putao in the high mountain, old pots were discovered when we

dug the pot holes for our house. We also found outline drawings of men

and animals such as deer chiseled in great slabs of stone. It is not known

who these people were, but carbon 14 dating gives them a very early age.

In any case, we must assume that these were the earliest settlers and that

the Tibeto-Burman groups came in historical time.24

Therefore Jinghpaw Kachins seemed to be among the earliest who reached

Putao Plain. The people who lived there before Kachins were Hkamti Shans, Kha

maung Kha-man, Khalam, Kha San, Mawlit, Moto, Kha P'ok and Naga. The Shans

seemed to have established the Hkamti Long since 750 A.D.

There were blue-collar workers or slaves called Kha-P'ok in Hkamti Long.

"Kha" is the term for the slaves by Hkamti Shans and P'ok is the name for

Jinghpaw-kachins by Maru and Hkamti Shans. Therefore, Kha P'ok means slaves

Jinghpaws. 25 That point suggested that, in Putao Plain, the Jinghpaw Kachins

started their living as the slaves and workers of the Shans. Some were said to have

changed as Shans. Some Jinghpaws, to get the hands of the Shan Ladies, made

23Sand Stone Pot Region

24Robert and Betty Meriwether Morse, Rawang Migration Routes and Oral Tradition ,

M.A ( Thesis), Ascona, Switzeland, 1965, p.14 (Henceforth: Robert and Betty, 1965)

25Leach, 1964, 239 8

themselves slaves, lived at Shan villages, followed and practiced Shan traditions

and accepted themselves as Shans.26 They are "Sam tai"27 in Jinghpaw language.

Kachins call Shan as Sam.

Jinghpaw-kachins continued descending southward and migrated at Hkrang

Hku Majoi28, near the rise of Hkrang Hka River. At that place, the Kachins started

holding religions Manau Festivals. The first festival was held in Hpu Um Ga, the

triangle between N'mai Hka and Mali Hka. The second festival was guided by Sut

Madu and held at Naura Yang Ga, Dancing Floor.

Here, the Kachins referred to the place where they started to live or where

they lived as "Ga". "Ga" means "the ground" or the region, area or place. So Hpu

Um Ga means the place of Hpu Um, Naura Yang place. While they were living at

Hkrang Hka, the rise of Hkrang Hka River, the Kachins held Manau Festivals for

four times, as the commemoration of their unity and success and at the same time,

planned to enlarge the territory. Therefore, guided by Marip Wa Kumja, his sub

family held another Manau Festival as the commemoration of farewell. Soon after

that, the fourth Manau Festival was held by Matsaw N'Hkum Wa.29 After those

four Manau Festivals, it seemed that the sub-families divide and enlarge territories

among themselves.

At that time, the powerful Shan Feudal were still governing the Kachin's

territories. The famous towns during Myanmar King's reign in the henceforth

Kachin State were Mohnyin, Mogaung, Waingmaw, Sinbo, Shwegu and Kaung

Ton. Mohnyin and Mogaung were the towns which started the Kachin Shan

26Brang Di, 1996, 41

27Kachin became as Shan tribes

28Upper Hkrang River

29 Sumlut Gam, Wunpawng Htunghking Labau Laika,(History of Kachin Culture),

Myitkyina, Jinghpaw Kasa Press, 1982, p. 45,46 (Henceforth: Sumlut Gam, 1982) 9

Myanmar relation. Mohnyin was said to have been established by Thaung Khan

Kyaw in 556.30

In the eight and nine century, the Upper Myanmar was under the Nan Chao

Empire. Starting from the seventh century the Nan Chao Empire had its power

spread over the people in the neighbouring countries such as Assam, Myanmar,

Thailand, Lao and Vietnam.31 It is clear that, during 8th century and 9th century,

Kachin hilly region especially Putao or Hkamti Long was under the political

power of the Nan Chaos.

In about 750, the Nan Chao leader Ko-lo-fang made camps and appointed

soldiers along the trade road to India and Pyu. Hkamti Long seems to have

become stronger, more prominent and endured since that time. Shans also entered

into the place between Mogaung and Assam through Hukawng Valley.32 In 762

the Nan Chao Empire had marched toward the west of upper part of Thanlwin

River and launched a successful attack on Myanmar group called A-chang, the

descendant’s of Tibeto-Burma, and one tribes of Kachin, Ngaw Chang of Lashi

tribes. Since the Kachin had been taken part in the attack launched by the Nan

Chao on Hanoi in 863, Jinghpaw, Maru and Lashi must have already been in

Bhamo, Myitkyina District and Yunnan province before that time.33 Therefore, the

naming of Maru, Lashi and Nan Chao are the same, as Nan Chao influential

symbol. The naming is after the father's last name.34

30Kachin De-tha Yet-swe Tha-maing (AD 556-1885) (Chronology of Kachin Region),

Collection Research of Kachin Historical Records, Myitkyina University, History Department,

2002 (Henceforth: Yet-swe, 2002)

31Than Tun, 2002, 23

32Leach, 1964, 239

33G.E, Harvey, History of Burma from the earliest time to 10 March 1824, London, Frank

Cass and Co.Ltd., 1967, p.15 (Henceforth: Harvey, 1967)

34Lhovo , 1967, 35 10

Besides, in the Man Chu of Fan Cho, Nan Chao called Mang Zaw to the

tribes who lived at the southwest of Yung Chang, which is at him west of

Mehkong River, in 863. P'ok and Mang Zaw were recorded as the first class

fighters when Nan Chaos attacked Hanoi. 35 Maru, Lashi and Azi called their elder

people as Mang Zaw. Jinghpaw and Azi had the tradition of naming "Zaw" to the

chiefs or Du-wa tribe men. Therefore, according to Fan Cho's record, P'ok is

assumed to be Jinghpaw and Mang Zaw to be Maru, Lashi and Azi. So it is clear

that, till the reign of Nan Chao Ko-lo-fang, Putao Plain, the triangle between

N'maikha and Malikha, nearly all today's Kachin State was under the power of

Nan Chao.

At the end of nine century, the influence of the power of Nan Chao began

to decline. At that time, it was a good time for people of all races including

Myanmar to move south to central Myanmar. Some scholars stated that, about

eight century and nine century, the Kachins reached at Bhamo, Sadon and Sema,

soldiering during Nan Chaos' invasion. Therefore, Kachins seemed to have

reached at Myitkyina, Bhamo and Yunnan since nine century. In 1215, at the

decline of Nan Chaos' power and at the predomination of Mongols, Sao Lon-pha

established the "Nora" Shan Kingdom at Mogaung or Mong Kaung.36 He seemed

trying to reestablish the Nan Chao Shan Kingdom. The Mogaung founder Sao

Lon-pha (1215-1315) conquered from Hkamti Long (Putao) to Shwebo border,

from north to south.37 In 1253, the Nan Chao had surrendered themselves to the

35Fan Cho, The Man Chu: the Book of Southern Barbarians, translated by Gordan H.Luce,

edited by G.P. Obey, New York, Department of Far Eastern Studies, 1961, p. 26 (Henceforth: Fan

Cho, 1961)

36 W.A, Hertz, Burma Gazetteer, Myitkyina District, Vol.A, Rangoon, Government

Printing and Stationary, 1960, p.20 (Henceforth: Hertz, 1960)

37(a)Yet-swe, 2002, 3

(b)Sai Aung Tun, History of The Shan State from its Origins to 1962, Bangkok, O.S

Printing House, 2009, p. 22 (Henceforth: Sai Aung Tun, 2009) 11

Mongol, and in 1287 the Mongol attacked the Bagan causing the dissolution of

Myanmar Kingdom. 38 At that time, the Mongol was attacking the Bagan, the

Kachin who were going to stay in Kachin State had taken part in the event. The

races in Upper Myanmar were under the influence of Nan Chao's power. And not

under the influence of Bagan, King Anawrahta. During his reign because of his

good organization, it was true that he did the expansion of territory but the

strength of his army was not strong enough to beat the Chinese forces. And he had

not reached the region where Irrawaddy and Shweli River meet.39 So since the

Bagan had no influence of power over the Kachin, it was considered that they had

taken part in the battle of Mongol against Bagan. Because of the attack of Mongol

on Bagan, Kachins had reached as far as Kaungton, Kaungsin, Nga Yon, Nga Yin,

Shwegu, Yinhke, Mota, Katha, Htigyaing, Tagaung, Hinta Maw, Ngasin Gu

regions.40 The Myanmar people had considered those who came from northern

Myanmar were all Chinese, therefore the Kachins were considered to be part of

Chinese. The Chinese exercised effective control and an official Chinese

Administrator seems to have been posted to Mohnyin in 1296 and various later

dates.41

The three Shan brothers established Inwa Kingdom after the fall of Bagan.

In 1370, when the Mayors of Kalay and Mohnyin attacked, Mingyi Swasawke

took over both towns and changed the mayors. A Border Signpost was laid

between the territory of Mohnyin and that of Myanmar King in 1370 during the

reign of King Mingyi Swasawke (1360-1400), when the Mohnyin Mayor rebelled.

Mohnyin, Mogaung and Innwa contended and launched ten attacks on each other

once in a decade. That lasted from 1371 to 1526 when Inwa fell under the attack

38Than Tun, 2002, 46

39Than Tun, 2002, 25

40Brang Di, 1996, 18

41Brang Di, 1996, 17 12

of Monyin Salon. Those wars were not racial disputes but the rebellions from the

chiefs of Mohnyin and Mogaung appointed by Myanmar Kings to the Innwa

authority.42 Until 1531 most of Myanmar had become a loose federation of Shan

Mong under a various more or less independent Saw-bwa. The Mong make up the

Kachin Hills area owed fealty to the Chinese emperor as successor to the throne of

Nan Chao.43

Then Chinese and Maw Shans were at war during 1438 to 1465. Maw

Shans took refuge in Mohnyin and present Shan State at their loss of war. Again in

1449, Chinese invaded Mohnyin and Maw Shans had to migrate to Kalay, Hkamti,

Upper Chindwin and Assam.44 Because of war took place between Chinese and

Shan, the Kachins had moved to Mogaung and Mohnyin which were in Shan

Region. It could also be that the Kachin had taken part in the Chinese aggression.

Because without the Chinese help, Kachins could not defeat the Shan who were

stronger than themselves, Hukawng as a place of cremation of Shan, in detail as

follows:

A highly successful fighting race descended upon Myanmar and

occupied the northern hill forced the Chins, Palaungs and Shans farther

south and the last remaining descendents of once powerful Ahoms were

almost exterminated. The Hukawng Valley gets its name from the

innumerable mounds in it where the corpses of the Shans stain by the

Kachin were cremated, Ju-kaung in the Jinghpaw dialect means

cremation mounds.45

42Yet-swe, 2002, 5

43Leach, 1964, 241

44Than Tun, 2002, 45,46

45(a) H.N.C, Stevenson, The Hill People of Burma, London, Longman and Green, 1954,

p.9 (Henceforth: Stevenson, 1954)

(b) Kawlu Ma Nawng, The History of Kachin of the Hukawng Valley, translated and

noted by J.L, Bombay, Time of India Press, 1944, p.v (Henceforth: Ma Nawng, 1944) 13

Ahom Shan had last been forced out from Hukawng Valley by the attack of

the Kachins and they moved to Assam in India at about 16th century.

The Kachin using the Namyun, Pangsau road, moved from Hukawng

Valley to Assam about 1600. 46 When Ahom Shans entered into Assam, the

Kachins moved to south of Shweli. 47 They were related to those Kachin in

Hukawng Valley and Triangle area. Especially they arrested the slaves in Assam

and sold them in Triangle Region.48 The Ahom Kings continued to recognize their

relationship with the princes of other Shan States, the Kingdom of Nora, Mogaung

and, the routes from Hkamti Long to Assam and from Mogaung to Assam via

Hukawng Valley were regularly used. 49 Since the reign of Myanmar King

Nyaungyan, systematic administration was established in Mohnyin, Mogaung and

Bhamo districts. Since 1602, the village chiefs of Mohnyin, Mogaung and Hkamti

were formed as grouped servants and put under Bhamo Saw-bwa King

Nyaungyan's son, was appointed as Bhamo Saw-bwa. In this way, since the early

17th century, the conflict between Myanmar Kings and Shan Feudals started to an

end. Then, there were fewer battles during the kings that succeeded King

Nyaungyan. 50 After that, from the reign of King Pintale, 1648 to the early

Konbaung Period of 1752, there were no open attacks between the chiefs of

Mohnyin, Mogaung, Bhamo and Myanmar Kings. The reason for that is assumed

to be the invasions of Assam, Manipur, Cassey from the northwest of Myanmar. In

the early Konbaung Period, the Myanmar Shan Kachin Feudal's Wars were

46Thing Bai, Naw Awn, Ginru Ginsa (The origin of Kachin), Maymyo, Typescript, 1956,

p.23 (Henceforth: Naw Awn, 1956)

47Than Tun, 2002, 25

48Branghpa, 1998, 18

49Leach, 1964, 241

50Yet-swe, 2002, 8 14

lessered except King Alaungmintayar's march and organization up to Bhamo,

Sinbo in 1754.51

The Jade mines, west of Kamaing which have been of major importance in

Kachin politics were first extensively developed during the 18th century. This

development greatly increased the importance of the area from the Chinese point

of view and led to an increase in the trade in other commodities as well. From the

time that Myanmar became integrated as a single kingdom about 1560, the Mong

of the Kachin Hills area became objects of bitter contention between the Myanmar

and the Chinese. At that time the Myanmar appear to have gained effective control

of Hsenwi, Mong Mit, Bhamo and Mohnyin from about 1600 onwards,52 but the

status of Mogaung and Hkamti Long was in dispute until 1796.53 The Chinese

have never admitted Myanmar rights over the country east of the Irrawaddy and

north of Myitkyina. Tribute taxes to Chinese authorities have been paid by Maru

Kachin of Htawgaw area, Nung of the Nam Tami and Shans of Hkamti Long.54

When Myanmar armies attacked and conquered Mogaung in 1751, Shans moved

to Assam and other Upper Hkamti.55 But the Kachins had already took place in

Hukawng Valley, between Assam and Mogaung. Therefore, they attacked the

migrated Shans and made them slaves. In early Konbaung Period, Kachins

through Chyaukan pass and Daru pass, entered into Assam and Hukawng Valley,

from between N'mai-kha and Mali-kha rivers. The cause for Kachins' migration

was based on the inter rebellion among themselves because of the difference in

administrative policy of Gumsa, feudal and Gumlau, anti-feudal. Because of that

Gumsa and Gumlau attack, the Kachin Gumsa from the triangle region moved

51Yet-swe, 2002, 9

52Leach, 1964, 241

53Hertz, 1960, 20

54Leach, 1964, 241

55Brang Di, 1996, 46 15

again to Assam and Hukawng, avoiding the Gumlau's attack. Those migrated

Gumsa are (1) Daihpa (2) Pyisa (3) Hkamti Shan Namsun Wa tribes.56

There was a war between Ahom Shan and Kachin in 1779.57 Those attacks

were guessed about the time when Ahom Shan or Assams invaded Myanmar. The

invasion of Assam and Manipur were settled by Myanmar Kings only in 1749 and

the northwest of Myanmar was under their power for a very long time. Sometimes,

there were attacks with Kachins. Therefore, there were no direct relation and

administration between Myanmar Kings and Kachins who lived in the hilly

regions near Mohnyin, Mogaung, Bhamo until the early nineteenth century. There

were no confrontations between northern quasi-feudal chiefs and Myanmar Kings

in Konbaung Period. Because there were the invasions of Assam-Manipur-Cassey,

Chinese' invasions near Bhamo, paying more attention to the Myanmar Chinese

relationship, and favoring the target of attacking and occupying the Lower

Myanmar and Thailand during the reign of King Alaungmintaya and his

descendants. National tribes seemed to rely on each other because of the invasions

of Assam, Manipur and Chinese. To defend the outer alliances' invasion, the

feudals of Shan, Myanmar and Kachin were united without attacking each other.

In 1817, Bhamo Major Naymyothura Kyaw Khaung marched to Assam

with the purpose of suppressing them. After giving the throne to Waithali King

Sandara Kantashein, he returned back to Bhamo together with the daughter of

Waithali King , Assam, given as a present.58 The Myanmar came to fight in Assam

in 1817 and again in 1820 from Innwa through Hukawng Valley. The Myanmar

army marched through Mogaung and had passed the Hukawng valley to enter to

Assam. During this time the Kachin Du-was of Hukawng valley and Assam were

56Ma Nawng, 1944, 17

57Bunghku, Jinghpaw-hte Ginra (Jinghpaw and place), Myitkyina, Computer Script,

2009, p.196 (Henceforth: Bunghku, 2009)

58Yet-swe, 2002, 22 16

in very strong position to fight. They captured many Assamese and took them

away to Hukawng valley to make their slaves, more than thousand in number. The

prominent Kachin Du-was of Assam were known as the Pyisa, the Daihpa, the

Lattorra, the Lattao and Ningru.59 In April 1819, about 20,000 strong Myanmar

army captured Rangpur 60 and when they left, the Kachin Singhpos kept the

kingdom under their domination, the Kachin Pyisa chieftain named it as Pyisa

country.61 The Myanmar could not supply ration from Inwa, because it was too far

from them. And they did not have any proper method of transport they could only

utilize animals for carrying their rations and goods. Therefore they had lot of

difficulty in transporting food items. Even from Mogaung, it was not possible for

them to carry these item.

During the reign of King Bodawpaya in 1782-1819, the British did not

enter to Myanmar. On February 17, 1822 the Myanmar army led by Marshal

Mahabandula marched to Assam. There included 1000 Kachin in that army. The

prime minister of the Ahom King or Assam King, Raja, Purnananda Burhagohain

had given as a gift the sister of Baran Duara Barua, "Rangili" to Kachin Pyisa

chief. The Kachin Pyisa chief, Pyisa Naw again gave her as a gift to King

Bodawpaya.62 Mahabandula arrived back Bhamo from Assam on 1st January

1823.63 Though the Myanmar army returned to Inwa, the British force replaced

the Myanmar army, but the Kachins did not have sufficient army with arms to the

British. So to obtain military aids from the Myanmar King, the Kachin chief had to

offer the Ahom princess who he had received as a gift as mentioned above. The

59(a) Ma Nawng, 1944, 26,42

(b) Brang Di, 1996, 52

60Yet-swe, 2002, 20-21

61Brang Di, 1996, 52

62Yet-swe, 2002, 20-21

63Yet-swe, 2002, 22 17

Myanmar had already expected that the Kachins should have joined with them to

fight against the British.64 And again the Kachin had amassed about 6,000 army to

fight with the British. The Kachin army who came to the Khamti area had

dethroned the Sadiya Khawwa Gohain and replaced another Gohain of their select.

Kachin armies followed the Myanmar armies and they became helpful fighting for

Myanmar. And the Kachins could take away more Assamese as captives. In 1824-

25, the British after defeating the Myanmar started fighting again with the

Kachins.65

They went to Lakhipur, Lattora and Tengapani, and again started to fight

with the British. They had only 3,000 soldiers in their passion. Captain Neufville

came to know the war arrangement of the Kachins and when he went to face the

attack of Kachin, the former Kachin had retreated to the mountains. The Myanmar

after the death of Bandula and signing the Yandabo treaty, Kachins did not come

up to fight with the British in the Hukawng Valley and Assam. 66 After the

Myanmar and British signed the Yandabo Treaty on 24 February 1926, the Kachin

Singhpos also signed a treaty with the British on 5th May 1826.67 So, the British

first came into political contact with Jinghpaw and other Kachin languages in

Assam around 1824, the people concerned were referred to as Singphos and

Hkahku.68 In 1824 the Myanmar clashed with the British in Assam. By this time

the Shans had ceased to have military important. The Myanmar had destroyed

many of their main centre and deposed their rulers. 69 Around 1830 the Shan

element were still the masters in Hkamti Long and in the Hkamti colony at Sadiya

64Brang Di, 1996, 52

65Brang Di, 1996, 53

66Brang Di, 1996, 53

67Brang Di, 1996, 53,56

68Leach, 1954, 41

69Leach, 1954, 242 18

in Assam, but in the Hukawng Valley Kachins were already the overlords and

Mogaung had become a governorship under the Myanmar. Myanmar made no

attempt to control the Kachin directly. On the contrary, the Kachin Du-was were

awarded Myanmar honorific titles and treated with the respects due to minor

royalty.70

In 1835, there was an outbreak between the Daihpa Gam who lived in

Hukawng, Myanmar and Pyisa Gam who lived in British Assam. In that war,

Pyisa Gam asked help from the British and as a result, British Government of

Assam and Daihpa Gam of Hukawng confronted Daihpa Gam retreated to

Hukawng because of the unmatched weapons as the British used the cannons. 71

In January 1835, Mogaung Mayor and Captain Hanney arrived at Hukawng from

Innwa City via Mogaung. They tended to observe the region between Mogaung

and Assam. The British had sent embassy to Myanmar King to negotiate for

controlling the Kachins of Hukawng and Assam from indulging in warfare against

them. On return, they took the Daihpa Gam to Innwa City. Therefore, along with

the Governor of Mogaung, Daihpa Gam and Hanney reached to Inwa on 29th May

1836. The Myanmar King had considered the complaint lodged by the British

against Daihpa Gam. But on the contrary, the Myanmar King released Daihpa

Gam because Myanmar felt it necessary to use this opportunity to fight with the

British.72 Daihpa Gam had won the case over the British Captain. Daihpa Gam

was given permission to fight his enemies and was also given the saddle, clothes,

hat and dahs of one of the king's fighting men together with a high office under the

king. He had also Appointment Orders from each of the Myanmar kings. The title

conferred upon Daihpa Gam by the Myanmar kings were:

(1) Taunglon Thiha Kyawzawa

70Leach, 1954, 242

71Yet-swe, 2002, 23

72Brang Di, 1996, 52 19

(2) Saton Mani Nawyahta

(3) Tanebung Naung Nawyahta

(4) Ganda Thikdi

(5) Taunglon Thiha Kyawhtin

(6) Sawbi Thura Nawyahta

(7) Thiri Paphahta Tabayaza

(8) Thinba Thura Yaza

(9) Maha Thiri zeya Tabayaza73

By 1837 British military intelligence had amassed a substantial information

not merely concerning the Singphos of Assam but also concerning their tribal

kinsmen of Hukawng Valley and north-east of Mogaung. In these reports, Singpho

is used for the Jingphaw speaker resident in the Hukawng Valley and while Kakoo

includes the Jingphaw of the Triangle and Sumprabum areas, and also the Marus,

Lashi, Lisu, Nung and Duleng.74 But while the early 19th century saw the closure

of the Hukawng Valley, the trade between Myanmar and Yunnan flourished. Most

of it was canalized through either Bhamo or Hsenwi.75

In this way, the Kachin Gumsa Du-wa Daihpa Gam became the most

powerful rulers in Hukawng Region and he organized and administered the Shans

and Kachins all over Hukawng Region. But he was attacked by his relatives, the

Gumlau. Many armed Kachin soldiers were found in Tharyarwati Prince's army

when British ambassador Burney arrived at Shwebo on 25th March 1837 to

negotiate the rebellion of Tharyarwadi, Kachins were found as soldiers from Nan

Chao to Konbaung Kings. 76 Moreover 1850-70 was a period of civil war in

Yunnan between the Mohammedan rebels and supporters of the central Chinese

73Ma Nawng, 1944, 50,52

74Leach, 1964, 41,42

75Leach, 1954, 242

76Yet-swe, 2002, 24 20

government, Taiping rebellion of 1850 and Panthay rebellion in 1857. Trans

border trade shrank to a trickle and led to a crisis in relations between the

Myanmar authorities and the Kachins.77 Further south of Saohpa succession of

Möng Mit-Möng Leng was continuously in dispute from 1840-92. Rival claimants

all used Kachin levies as mercenaries.78 Unlike in other regions, Myanmar Kings

did not fix the charge and taxation from Kachins except some forest resources

such as ivory, wild ox's horns, wax, latex and resin as commemoration. The exact

number of faithful Kachin chiefs or Taungsa Saw-bwa was not known. There were

some examples of the relationship with Kachins during King Mindon's reign such

as the visit and giving offer such as amber earplug, ivory, wild ox hoof and spears

by Lasang Taungsa Sawpi of Mogaung, Naungkya Taungsa, Htonthanaung

Taungsa, Labaw Taungsa, Lawahtoo Taungsa. When Ngashinpun Taungsa took

the presented daughter of Marip Taungsa, together with Pubbadewa Kyawthu,

Sakkli Chief Pubbatadewa Kyawswa and 24 members, King Mindon gave them

presents and titles and returned them back to their region with guards.79 In 1872

the Kachins attacked Mogaung, killed the Myanmar official and took the Amber

Mines.80

Besides, in Hkamti, during King Thibaw's Reign, there were attacks by

some Kachins. In 1878, Kachins invaded Hkamti and so the Hkamti Chief Sawli

fled to Minsin Village, to the south border of Hkamti. Jinghpaw Kachin Laisai La

of Marip tribe was to administer upper Hkamti villages. In 1881, Sawli let his son

Mg Bo Hlaing to go and observe upper Hkamti. Mg Bo Hlaing killed the Watet

Kachin Chief in a quarrel. As a consequence, Hkamti Region was put on fire by

the revenge of Watet Kachins. Hkamti Shans, without re-establishing Hkamti,

77Leach, 1964, 242

78Leach, 1964, 43

79Kyan, 1978, 171

80C.M, Enriquez, The Races of Burma, Calcutta, Government of India Publication, 1933,

p.32 (Henceforth: Enriquez, 1933) 21

migrated and settled at Manpin village which is 80 miles away from Minsin

village. As the administration of Myanmar Kings did not have a bring to Kachin

region, there were many severe attacks and robberies of Kachins to nearby

Myanmar villages and Shan villages.81

Kachins who lived in the hilly regions of north and northeast Mogaung,

Bhamo, Katha seemed to have disturbed and attacked frequently those regions

during King Thibaw's reign. In 1882, Mogaung Mayer Minhla Min Htin Kyaw

reported to the Hlut-taw that his territory far and near was in a peaceful state,

according to Kachin Chief's report.82 In 1883, the Kachins rebelled in Mogaung

region and Wuntho Saw-bwa U Shwe Thar was ordered to suppress them. U Shwe

Thar governed Mogaung as a Mayor from 1883 to 1885.83

To the east, the story of Hsenwi is very similar. Hsenwi 49 mine was

divided into 5 lets as the East, the West, the South, the North and the Middle and

were governed by Myanmar officials and army officers. But the problem was not

settled and the North of Hsenwi was under the power of Kachin. So, including the

South of Hsenwi, Möng Naung, Kyaythee, Mansan, Möng Shu, Möng San were

divided from Hsenwi and ruled by Heins who were the faithful mayors of King

Thibaw. In the same way, the Middle of Hsenwi was ruled by Pa-oak-choke

Sanwe in 1883 but he also could not defend Khun San Tonhon and made Möng -

yal his headquarter. Really, the power of the king or the Heins did not exceed

Lashio.84

During King Thibaw's Reign, the Kachins who lived between Bhamo and

Chinese border attacked and robbed the merchants who travelled to China by land

81Kyan, 1978, 173

82Kyan, 1978, 172

83Kyan, 1978, 173

84Kyan, 1978, 152 22

route. The merchants were taxed in Kachin regions where they went across.85 In

1884, Chinese and Kachin united and invaded robbed, put on fire and destroyed

Bhamo. Only the building and property of European Missionaries were spared.86

The Mahtang Taung-sa who was very powerful with mass weapons and followers

were involved in those robbery. After robbing Bhamo, Mahtang Taung-sa blocked

the merchants who went to China without giving permission to go through his

territory.87

In 1883, there was an attempt to re-establish an independent Northern Area

under Mogaung. The Leader of this revolt, a Myanmar Shan named Maung Shwe

Le claimed to be a descendant of the former Mogaung Saohpa Haw Hseng and

took the same title for himself. And so the Hawhsaing rebellion broke out in 1884.

The suppression of this revolt resulted in the destruction of most of the Shan

villages in the Mogaung -Myitkyina area, and upper Myanmar in 1885 was in

chaos.88 Thibaw surrendered and was deported on the 3rd December 1885, and

Bhamo was occupied by British troops on the 28th December 1885.89 In the pre

British period, rival claimants to the Saohpa's throne used Kachin mercenaries,

and was an attempt to organize a patriotic revolution both against Thibaw's

tyranny and against the British. In this case the leader was the Myinsaing Prince, a

son of Mindon and half- brother of Thibaw.90

The British authority made inquiries about Kachin Hilly Region through

Myanmar Ministers in 1886, first after the fall of Upper Myanmar and learnt that

85Kyan, 1978, 173

86(a) Enriquez, 1933, 32

(b) G.W, Dawson, Burma Gazetteer, Bhamo District, Rangoon, Government Printing

and Stationary, 1960, p.21 (Henceforth: Dawson, 1960)

87Kyan, 1978, 173

88Leach, 1954, 243

89Dawson, 1960, 21

90Leach, 1954, 243 23

there were altogether 54 Kachin Taung-sa Saw-bwa 35 out of 54 Taung-sas were

from Mogaung, Mohnyin near Irrawaddy river and Inndaw Region. There were six

Taung-sas of Jade Mines and eleven of Amber Mines. 91 In 1888 the Magwe

Wundauk wrote to British Government as follows:

I was appointed Prefect of the districts on the Upper Irrawaddy, and

during my administration I gathered as much information as I could

about the Kachin Chiefs of Bhamo and Mogaung. There were three

Chiefs and twenty-eight lesser Chiefs in the district round Mogaung.

Under each of the Chiefs are from forty to fifty houses, and under each

of the lesser Chiefs from ten to twenty houses. In each house there are

between twenty and thirty families. As at Bhamo, the Chiefs are also

Magistrates. There is a duty of ten percent, levied on jadestones. When a

newly appointed Wun arrived at Mogaung three guns were fired, and the

Kachin Chiefs would come to him or send their representatives with

presents for him, such as ivory, beeswax, gongs, spears adorned with

long hair of the Tibetan bull, and rice and other eatables. The Wun, in

turn, presented each of the Chiefs with a satin paso, flannel blanket, and

a Shan turban and each of the Pawmaings (lesser Chiefs) with a cotton

paso, flannel blanket and Shan turban and a jacket. Of these Chiefs only

those of Sainggaungkan and Lakyin Naung of Kamaingywa paid taxes.92

Though the Kachins who lived in plains were the servants of Myanmar

Kings, those who were in hilly regions were out of Myanmar Kings' direct

administration. Traditional songs and stories of Kachins were mostly about the

relationship with Chinese and Shans, especially about economical and social

relationships. Sayings and proverbs about Myanmar Kings were very rare.

91Kyan, 1978, 172,230,231

92(a) Hertz, 1960, 21

(b) From the Wun-dauk of Magwe to Commissioner of the Northern Division, Upper

Burma, Series No.1/1 (A), Acc: No. 2727, National Archives Department 24

In the Cima stone inscriptions of 11 century, the term "sharm" was used as

the earliest one. In Bagan inscriptions that word "sharm" was repeated used.

According to those inscriptions, Sharm Thanbyin, Sharm Pantra, Sharm Yanthe

and Sharm Panput words are found. Moreover, the village name of "Hkamti was

found numerously– Myanmar inscriptions. There were villages in Upper Chindwin

and Putao Region with the name "Hkamti". Shans were referred to as Paiyi in Yun

History written in 1278. Chinese recorded that Paiyis attacked east of Thanlwin

and Yunlon, west of Ta-li-fu in 1325 and that in 1285 Paiyis who lived in Mine-ne

near Tagaung disturbed Myanmar peace mission. Shans who lived in the southern

Shan State were not referred to as Paiyi. Since 1253, Paiyis were under the power

of Mongols.93 The explanatory theory most commonly advanced seems to be that

the Tibeto-Burman speaking peoples and the Tai-speaking peoples represent two

distinct ethnic stocks. The Tibeto-Burman peoples are credited with a generation

tendency to migrate from north to south. 94 So Leach explained as follow:

The Shans are territorially scattered, but fairly uniform in culture. Dialect

variations between different localities are considerable, but even so, apart

from a few special exceptions, it can be said that all the Shans of North

Burma and Western Yunnan speak one language, namely Tai. The

exceptions are the Shans of Mong Hsa (the Maingtha or A'chang), who

speak what seems to be a dialect of Maru, the Shans of the Kabaw Valley,

who now speak a corrupted form of Burmese, and miscellaneous small

pockets of Shans in the Upper Chindwin and Hukawng Valley areas.95

According to these theory, the southward migration was temporarily

interrupted between the 8th and 12th century by a westward infiltration of Tai

speaking Shans. These was a remark that the Hkamti Long was formerly the

93Than Tun, 2002, 210

94Leach, 1954, 36

95Leach, 1954, 29 25

underling of Tibet and so their houses had to face northward. But when they were

freed from Tibet's occupation, the houses of Hkamti Long turned south.96 From

this time the power of Tibet in Hkamti ceased and it came under the sway of the

Shans in Mogaung. The Burmese punitive expedition left the country with seven

saw-bwas, viz (1) Lokhkun, (2) Longkyein, (3) Mannu, (4) Mause, (5) Mause

Kum, (6) Langdao and (7) Langnu and these were the principalities found in

Hkamti when the first Expedition from Burma of the British in Putao. The

Mungyak Saw-bwa-ship has since been added to the list, so there were in all

eight.97 According the Hkamti Shans, Putao plain was called Hkamti, meaning

golden region or golden plain. Besides, Putao was formerly known also as Putaung,

the Shan term and Putaung changed as Putao in the colonial period.98

These included Shan settlements in Hkamti Long, the Hukawng Valley,

Singkaling Hkamti , upper Chindwin. 99 There are also some Hkamti Shan

settlements near Sadiya in Assam. Historically, these Shan Mongs are associated

with the one influential Shan states of upper Myanmar, the most important of

which were Bhamo, Mogaung, Mohnyin and Waingmaw. These is still a large

Shan population in these areas, and the traditions of the former power of Mogaung

Prince still played in Northern Myanmar politics.

Hkamti States were worth enumerating in detail.

(a) Hkmti Long , a confederation of 7 small Shan principles, situated near the

headwater of the Irrawady , Mali Hka. Though probably colonized in the

96Enriquez, 1933, 10

97J.T.O, Barnard, History of Putao, Journal of Burma Research Society, Vol. XV, 1925, p.

139 (Henceforth: Barnard, 1925)

98 Tangshing Tang, History of Putao Township, M.A Thesis, History Department,

University of Mandalay, 1998, p.1 (Henceforth: Tangshing Tang, 1998)

99Leach, 1964, 34 26

first place direct from China, Hkamti Long seems to have been a

dependency of Mogaung in the 17th and 18th century. Hkamti Long appear

as Putao.100

(b) Hukawng Valley Shan, notably those of Möng Kwan, Ningbyen, Taro.

These Shans are politically dependent of the neighbouring Kachins. The

first Shans in the Hukawng Valley were the Hkawseng Hkamawng Hkaman

groups. There were many Shan Chiefs. The Shan Chiefs were (1)

Hkansawng Saw-bwa, who live in Chyingla Village, (2) Pangsang Saw-bwa,

who live N'Bawn Village, (3) Hpaknaw Saw-bwa, who lived in the

Ninghku Laphai Village, (4) Munghkawn Saw-bwa, who lived in Möng

Kwan, (5) Hkawseng Saw-bwa, who lived above the Tanai and Mogaung

river junction, (6) Kangdau Saw-bwa, who lived at Kangdau.101

(c) Singkaling Hkamti, a small Shan States on the upper Chindwin. The local

population are Kachins and Nagas. The Shans in the Singkaling Hkamti

were the descendants of the Mogaung Shans. The Shans element, including

the ruling family, seem to have come from Ningbyen in the Hukawng

Valley.

(d) The Hkamti of Assam, Ahom Shans, located to the east of Sadiya and also

on the Dishing near Ledo. The former drive from colonists from Hkamti

Long who entered Assam about 1795. Shan colonists who entered Assam

from the Hukawng Valley during the 18th century. They have been much

mixed up with Assamese, Mishmis, Nagas and Kachins -Singhpo.102

(e) The Jade mines which were major factor in the original downfall of the

Mogaung princes in the 18th century, have been under the control of a line

100Leach, 1954, 34

101Ma Nawng, 1944, 53, 55

102Ma Nawng, 1944, 54 27

of Kachin chiefs. These chiefs aped the manners of the Shans and married

into Shan families. They also assumed the title Kansi Du-was as heirs.

Hkamti appears to have been originally a little associated with the royal family of

Mogaung. These Hkamti States have played an important role in Kachin affairs.103

Hkamti Shans are looked upon as a sub-type of Myanmar Shan. They may

be defined as Shans who might be regarded as having had some political

allegiance to the former Shan State of Mogaung. Until the middle of the 18th

century the Shan States of northern Myanmar retained a considerable degree of

independence and tended to owe fealty to China rather than Myanmar. In the later

part of the 18th century, the various Shan principalities of upper Irrawaddy area

Mogaung, Mohnyin, Waingwaw and Bhamo appear to have sided with the

Chinese and suffered destruction at the hands of Myanmar armies. From the end of

the 18th century there were no regular Shan Saw-bwa in these states. They were

treated as direct feudal dependencies of Myanmar Crown. The perquisites of the

office of Myo-za were in the gift of the king and the state Myo-wun was appointed

direct from Ava.104

Living with the Shan in Hkamti were three other tribes whom the Shans

called Nogmung, N-Tit and Pangsau. Nogmung called themselves is Hsamhpyang.

Nogmung which is a Shan word meaning "without the city".105 Barnard mentions

that two lower-class groups in Hkamti society are named 'Hsampyen' and 'Share'.

In Jinghpaw terms would mean 'Shan mercenary soldier' and 'hired soldier'

respective, the implication is that these low-class Shans are Jinghpaw Kachin

origin.106 There were various other kinds of evidence which support the view that

large sections of the people as Shans are descendants of hill tribesmen who have

103Leach, 1954, 34, 35

104Leach, 1954, 34

105Barnard, 1925, 139

106Leach, 1954, 40 28

been assimilated into the Buddhist Shan culture. For example, Wilcox, the first

Englishman, to visit Hkamti Long mentioned that the mass of the labouring

population is the Kha-phok tribe whose dialect is closely allied to the Singpho.107

The complete political separation of Kachin and Shan territory which prevailed

during the later part of the British regime in Myanmar.

Later, with the decline of Shan political power, the Tibeto-Burman

southward movement was supposed to have been resumed. On this theory the

Jinghpaw-Kachins are the last of the Tibeto-Burmans to arrive from the north,

during the 18th and 19th centuries they are supposed to have overrun the Shans, so

that the north Myanmar Shans are merely scattered survivors from this heathen

invasion. 108 All Shan settlement is associated with wet rice cultivation. 109The

political capital of a Shan State was located in the irrigated rice lands, but the

feudal dependencies of such a state may include not only other communities of

wet-rice growing Shans, but also a variety of hill villages with a non-Shan

population and a Taung-ya economy.

Living mostly in hilly regions, Kachin basic livelihood was Taungya

agriculture. Forests of hills, mountains, and hillsides were cleared, burnt and

grown paddy as staple crops. In other words, Kachins used shifting Taungya

systems only. 110 Therefore, the villages also followed the shift Taungyas and

moved. Because of the growing population and family members, the Taungya

agricultural sites and paddy and other crops became insufficient. Then, plain

regions and valleys were found out. Their knowledge and economy status were

107Leach, 1954, 39

108Leach, 1954, 36

109Leach, 1954, 30

110(a) Hanson, 1913, 72

(b) Tegenfeldt, 1974, 33

(c) J.H, Green, The Tribes of Upper Burma north of 24 latitude and their classification,

Typescript Dissertation, Haddan Library, Cambridge, 1935, p.19,20 (Henceforth: Green, 1935) 29

found and to be very different. In riverside regions, paddy was grown in rainy

season and they met land growing system enabled them to live at the same place

and to carry on growing. Irrigated system was used in regions with less rainfall.

Therefore, the people who were in plains and river sides were found out to have

used animals for transport and growing. Rice was found out to be plentiful other

than necessity. In this way, Kachins realized the economical differences and gaps

between hilly regions and plain region. When Kachin lived in hilly regions, Shans

settled in plain regions and riversides and worked in the fields without necessary

to more. Therefore Leach stated that:

In the Kachin Hills Area with very few exceptions, where ever there is a

stretch of country suitable for wet-rice cultivation, we either find Shans

or we find no one at all. Only as an exception do we find any of the

Kachin peoples domiciled in the plains and valleys. And vice in localities

suitable only for Taung-ya Cultivation we find either Kachins or no one

at all.111

In Kachin traditional administrative system, there were altogether three

basic types which were Gumrawng Gumtsa, 112 Gumchying Gumsa or Feudal

System and Gumlau or anti-Feudal System. By these three system together with

the chiefs of Du, Magam, Agyi and Salang's supervision, Kachins lived. Those

traditional administrative systems were practiced from 1500 to 1900. 113 The

establishment of those traditional administrative systems related to the structure of

Kachin society. In Kachin society, Thing-gaw or family is the smallest and a

village was also the narrowest in social affairs. In the south of Kachin State and

111Leach, 1964, 37

112Gumrawng means liberty and Gumtsa means one hundred people, Gumrawng Gumtsa

means people who have liberty

113Bunghku, 2004, 195 30

plain regions, village was called as Ka-htawng and Ga, or Yang in northern

regions. A town was called 'Mare,' the State 'Mung daw' the country, 'Mung'. Such

Mung term was directly borrowed from the Shan Mong.114

The number of houses in a village called Kahtawng was not limited, some

had only three houses and some had two to fifty houses. Villages are built at the

top of the hills or mountains. The borders between villages were marked by

streams, hill tops and big trees. The structures of villages were not the same from

one place to another. Some villages were near enough to hear a call but some were

far for two or three mountains apart. Mostly in one village dwelled one tribe, for

example, Marip Ga, Lahtaw Ga, N'hkum Ga, Maran Ga. As there were villages

that followed the name of the tribes, there also were governing chiefs of each tribe

such as Marip Du, Lahtaw Du, N'hkum Du and Maran Du. 115 After combing small

villages, there became villages or towns and they were called Mare. Each village

of village groups was owned by each tribe, sometimes there were other tribes

included there. Those village groups were combined to be an estate called Mung.

Those such villages, according to the administrative power possession system of

Kachins, had three different administrative systems and there also became the

chiefs. They were Du-was of Gumchying Gumsa system, Magam in Gumrawng

Gumtsa , and chiefs of Gumlau was Agyi, Salang.

Among the three administrative system, the most ancient was Gumrawng

Gumtsa system in which Magam chief was elected by the public. That system was

practised upper Putao Region of Hpatkha stream, Machanbaw, Nogmon,

Khawbode of northern Myanmar by Rawang tribes, Lisu villages and Duleng

Jinghpaw villages between Htingnan and Hpatkha stream.116 There were chiefs in

every village that system, the ruling power was not in the hand of a certain person

114Leach, 1964, 121

115Hanson, 1913, 61

116Naw Awn, 1985, 95 31

or tribe but in the hands of the public or the villagers. In such villages, a person

who could lead in social, peaceful and legal affairs became automatically the chief

or Magam and he would survive as a Magam as long as he got the villagers' trust

and respect or else he would be left out. Therefore, when there was a vacancy for a

Magam, in the case of being left out or death, the villagers found another person

with the abilities mentioned above.117

The rank of Magam was not for the descendents. Sometimes, there were no

Magams in a village for three or four years. In such times, villagers of knowledge

together carried out the village affairs. In such villages, the growing sites were in

the hands of first settlers' tribe leaders and they were called Lamu Ga Madu ni or

landowners. Those lands were inherited by the eldest sons. If a village was

established by Marip tribe, the village was named Marip Ga and all the area was

possessed by Marip tribe. Other tribes who lived in that village had to ask the land

to grow from the land owner, the eldest son of the Marip tribe.118 In asking,

presents such as gongs, necklaces and unstitched Taung-she Pa-so were offered to

the landowner. And in return, the landowner gave the person back a match or a

dah or an axe as mark of permission. Since then, the person who asked the land

could grow eternally and ancestral. But the landowner could not get the tax from

the villagers. But permission of the landowner was necessary if a villager wanted

to change the land to another. So there was no landowner and tenant system.

According to Gumrawng Gumtsa System, though it was said that the

landowner was not concerned with the administration, sometimes in some villages,

the landowner is Magam. Therefore, the notable facts about this system were:

1. The administrative power was in the hands of the villages.

2. There were no class difference administration and land possession.

3. No ruling upon villages according to land possession and unfairness.

117Leach, 1964, 206

118Branghpa Collections 32

In later Gumchying Gumtsa or Feudal System, the powerful men are Du-wa

Chiefs. They made Mare Agyi or Mare Salang or the village headman and Ramma

ning-baw or the youth leader as their attendants and administer the peace and

restoration of the village. This system was assumed to have derived from

Gumrawng Gumtsa system. In other words Magams became Duwas. This change

was assumed to have changed and adopted the administrative system of the nearby

tribes especially the Chinese and Shans. It was because the Gumsa chiefs were

named the Chinese word 'Zau', and Shan word 'Hkun' from Shan Saw-bwas as

imitations.119

Unlike Myanmar kings, the feudal system of Kachin hills had many Du-wa

or rulers. Each of them administered his own fixed estate according to his own law.

The areas differed the terms of the areas also differed.120 Gumsa chiefs classified

their estate according to the area and power. They are :

1. N'kawn Sha Du-wa - who got the tax from his people.

2. N'kawn N'sha ai Du-wa - who did not get tax from his people.121

The Gumsa Du-was accepted themselves as the most powerful masters in

their estate and their possessions were inherited by their descendents. In this

acceptance, they changed taxation upon their fellow villagers. In this way, the

honoured Du-wa stood as an except class in their estate. It was the system of

inheritance with the power given by God and Good luck. They chanced to get a

leg of any four-legged animal of other tribe villagers, except from the same tribes,

killed for propitiating or from hunting. Moreover, the villagers had to volunteer in

growing the Du-wa's fields or Taungya.122 That charge was not necessary to be

paid by Du-wa but he had the chance to get the paddy and crops from every

119Naw Awn, 1985, 99

120Leach, 1964, 114

121Branghpa Collections

122Leach, 1964, 206 33

household as an annual present. Such Du-was were called taxed Du-was or a thigh

eating Du-was. Their possessions, which came from the villages, became plentiful

and his house became one like the rice barn.

The Kachin chiefs political authority is based on his ability to preserve the

prosperity of his domain by making sacrifices to the sky spirit, Madai Nat and to

the earth spirit, Shadip Nat. He has this ability by virtue of his descent from a

remote clan ancestor. This ritual power is inherited automatically only by the

youngest son of a thigh-eating chief. It can pass to another line-only if the eldest

son makes a ritual purchase from the youngest son. Chiefs are concerned to

establish their legitimacy as members of a 'youngest son linage' and also to

establish their seniority relative to other chiefs over a wide area. In the hearth of

the Kachin area, the Traingle, the political associations of an important chief can

be very numerous, consequently chiefly genealogies in this region are very long,

in fringe areas such as North Hsenwi and Hukawng Valley, a chief's Jinghpaw

political associates are fewer in number and his genealogy correspondingly less

extensive.123

Every Kachin chief is prepared to trace his descent back to Ninggawn Wa,

the Creator. To do this some groups are prepared to put forward genealogies of

forty or more generation. Kachin genealogies are maintained almost exclusively

for structure reason and have no value at all as evidence of historical fact.124 A

Kachin will usually talk about a local group of Kinfolk from its lineage rather than

from its family aspect. People of the same lineage, may be described as 'brother' ,

kahpu-kanau ni, or as the same 'sort' , amyu, or of the same 'branch' , lakung, or of

the same 'health' , dap. 125

123 Leach, 1964, 127

124 Leach, 1964, 122

125Tegenfeldt, 1974, 26 34

In most matters, Du-wa's political obligation are towards his domain chief,

Mung Du-wa who is usually of quite different clan to himself. His obligations

towards this domain chief are essentially the due of a feudal tenant towards his

Lord of the Manor. Where lineage matters are concerned, the village headman

owes deference not to his own territorial chief but the 'Uma du' who is head of the

youngest son branch of his own lineage, and through him to one or more further

'Uma du', geographically even more remote. The retention of linage affilitation

serves as a check upon the powers of the local territorial chief.126 Such a thigh

eating Du-was were the inheritances in Gumsa system. So, in Gumsa system, the

Du-wa and his tribe were governing class. For example, Lahpai tribes were the

governors in the estates where Lahpai Du-wa ruled and the other tribes were ruled

by them.

The members of a village are likely to belong to a number of different

patrilineages, but one of these lineages own the village. The headman of the

village is always a member of the lineage owning it. Usually the name of the

village indicates the lineage the owners, e.g. Pasi Ga is owned by the Pasi lineage;

'Laga Kahtawng' is owned by the 'Laga' lineage, etc.127 Kahtawng strictly speaking

denotes the buildings of a village 'Ga' the land which it controls, but the concepts

seem almost identical. 'Kahtawng' is normal usage in the south, 'Ga' in the north.

The political relationship between the component villages of a village cluster is

virtually homologous to the relations that exist between the lineage groups of a

single village.

In other words, Gumsa system could be called a clan administration system.

In some small villages even the Agyi was got the Du-wa title with the background

of their tribe. Some senior a thing eating Du-was gave the strangers the free land

of their estate the chance to live and set up the village and made them junior Du-

126Leach, 1964, 130

127Leach, 1964, 116 35

wa or the village headmen. But they did not have the chance to a thing eating.

Though they were acknowledged as junior Du-was, they did not have the chance

to get annual present of crops and free volunteership. They were called Du-was

who did not get tax or N'kawn N'sha ai Du-wa.

The Gumsa Du-was did not build their houses and live separately from his

people, like the Myanmar kings and their palaces and the Shan Saw-bwas and their

Hawnans. But Kansi or Ginsi Du-wa of Pharkant region and Sinli Du-wa of South

Bhamo, like Myanmar Shans, built strong palaces and lived.128 The houses of

Kachin Du-was were not separated apart from the villagers but they were built to

differ from the ordinary people's houses. Presents must be given to a concerning

Du-wa when one went across his estate. Chinese merchants who used to travel

with located mules and they such especially got Du-wa's guard by giving presents

within his estate. In these cases, silver or paddy or something which was

economically valuable was used as presents. The incidents of travelling without

giving presents, were found in Gauri of Sinlum during 1850 and 1870 and in north

Hsenwi and other regions in 1890s.129

In Gumsa administrative system, the Du-wa's getting authority was

concerned with Kachin's traditional beliefs. For the Kachins who grew the shifting

Taungya, Taungya agriculture was the most important for their living. According

to their belief, for the purpose of good fertilization and well production of their

Taungya, it is necessary to propitiate the Madai Nat who ruled rain and the Shadip

who ruled the earth. But the villagers had neither the chance to propitiate by

themselves nor the fees to use. These propitiate were only for Du-was, only they

had the chance. Even in Du-was, A thigh eating Du-was only could propitiate

these gods and could pay the cost. According to such belief, the villagers had to

rely on Du-was for the proper production of their Taungyas, the administrative

128Leach, 1964, 122

129Leach, 1964, 188 36

power of Du-was was strong and survived.130 In Gumsa system, though there was

no blood relationship between Du-was and ordinary people, sometimes, they gave

their daughter's hand to a person who was found out to be brave and popular

enough to revolt against him, with the purpose of persuasion. Moreover, to

strengthen their power, the ones who were clever at war were married with their

daughters and made leaders of war.131 Gumsa Du-was married within Kachin Du

was themselves. They also were in alliance with Shan Saw-bwas by giving their

daughters. In round about 1800, Mong Maw Saw-bwa Hkam Yu Yung gave his

widowed mother to Kachin Hkawng Hsung Du-wa together with a paddy field as a

wedding present to alliance with Kachins.132As a result, the Kachin chief's wore

the great oath that he would come to help of her and her children's children for all

generations.133

So the relationship of Kachin and Shan Saw-bwa relied on each other

Kachins lived on hills and Shans lived on plains. Therefore their economy,

naturally, are reciprocal Kachins guarded Shans who did irrigated agriculture in

riversides from their external enemies and got paddy as present in return.134 So,

whoever came to attach the lowland villages must be faced with Kachin Du-wa. 135

Moreover, Kachin gave Shans an estate to live and made them pay annual paddy

present paddy present, in Kachin's view, was the same as a thigh eating present.

Gumsa ideology represents society as a large-scale feudal state. It is a system

which implied a ranked hierarchy of the social world, it is also implies large-scale

political integration.

130 C, Gildhodes, The Kachin: Religion and Mythology, Calcutta, Catholic Orphan Press,

1922, p. 79, 81 ( Henceforth, Gildhodes, 1922)

131Naw Awn, 1985, 70

132Leach, 1964, 220

133Leach, 1964, 220

134Tegenfeldt, 1974, 41

135Leach, 1964, 187 37

It seems that reached one explanation of why the attempts by Gumsa

Kachin chiefs to turn themselves into Shan princes have always ended in disaster.

There are plenty of quite well documented instances, the Pyisa chief in Assam

around 1825, the Daihpa Du-wa in the Hukawng in 1835, the Gauri Du-was of

Mahtang in the period 1855-70, the Mong Si chief around 1885, the Kansi Du-wa

for the years of 1870 or so. Daihpa Gam, the Kachin chief who made himself

overlord of the Hukawng Valley in the 1830s and who was the only Jinghpaw to

aspire to build a palace and be a king of his people, needed in 1837 to gave taken

of his submission to the Myanmar throne. He therefore married the widow of

Myanmar Governor of Mogaung. The Kansi Du-wa who are Kachin overlords of

the Jade mines area west of Kamaing have married Shan a well as Kachin wives.

The Shan women are members of the family of the former Saw-bwa of Möng

Hkawn , Maingkwan, Hukawng Valley. Therefore these women are Haw Hseng

Shan, their ancestors were rulers of Mogaung and overlords of all the Hkamti Shan

States of the north-west. In these case of the Shan marriages seem to be

maintained as a taken of loyalty to the former Mogaung throne from which the

Kansi chiefs derived land title. The title Kansi is the Jinghpaw version of

Hkamti.136

When the British took over eastern Assam in 1824, they found that the most

influential Kachin chief was Pyisa Gam. He held a title from the Myanmar king

and during the Myanmar regime in Assam had acquire, along with his fellow

chiefs, a numbers of the Tangai lineage of the Tsasen clan but belonged to

different sublineages namely Wahkyet, Sharaw, Hpung-in, Ning-krawp, Latao,

Num-brawng, N'gaw, Ning-ru, Hkaw-tsu, Ga-sheng, Daipha, etc. As soon as the

Myanmar withdrew from Assam, feuding broke out among these allied Tangai

chiefs. Bitterness was intensified when the British deprived them of their slaves

and later purloined all their best land for tea growing. Pyisa Gam was treated as

136Leach, 1964, 220 38

paramount chief by the British and thereby forfeited the allegiance of all his fellow

Kachins. But by 1840 the British and thereby forfeited the allegiance of all his

fellow Kachins. But by 1840 the British had come to the conclusion that it was

unnecessary to patronize the Kachins any longer and withdrew their support of the

Pyisa chief as paramount. Soon after the imprisonment, he died in an Assam jail,

having been imprisoned for life for attempted insurrection.137

Daihpa Gam was a distant lineage brother of Pyisa Gam. These two were

feudal chiefs became arch-enemies. When the British supported Pyisa Gam as

paramount in Assam, the rest of the Tangai lineage transferred their support to

Daihpa. He was extremely successful. By 1837 he had visited Inwa, been loaded

with presents and titles from the Myanmar king and negotiated on frontier

problems with British emissaries. But at home in the Hukawng Valley, he had to

fight his own relatives in a Gumlau revolt. He maintained his power for a while

with aid of Myanmar troops that as soon as there withdrawn, sometime around

1842, ceased to be of any significance.138

In the early part of the 19th century much of trade between Myanmar and

China went by boat to Bhamo and thence to Möng Myen. The chiefs through

whose territory this traffic passed profited greatly by toll charges. The route which

from time immemorial constituted the grand highway between China and

Myanmar passed through the Kachin centre of Loilung which was in the domain

of Gauri Lahpai chiefs of the Aura lineage. These chiefs flourished exceedingly

and gave their domain the Shan title of Mong Hka, assuming the household

lineage name of Mung-ga. In 1868 the senior chief was living at Mahtang about 4

miles to the east. Loilung was ruled by the Mahtang chief's elder brother. Mahtang

and Loilung are described by Anderson as the two most thriving Kachin villages

he had seen. At Mahtang, the chief's house although built after the plan prevalent

137Ma Nawng, 1944, 41-42

138Ma Nawng, 1944, 43,52 39

in these hills in enclosed by a substantial stone and brick wall with a very Chinese

looking gateway.139

In the struggle for the control of the large Shan State of Hsenwi which were

a prominent feature of the Myanmar history between 1846 and 1887, the rival

Shan factions all had their Kachin supporters. The Kachin Du-wa of Mong Si were

consistent supporters of the legitimate Saw-bwa, Hseng Naw Hpa. When the

British took over a population of some 12,000 persons including 100 Kachin, 20

Shan, 15 Palaung and 12 Chinese Villages. The domain was divided into several

sub-territories each of which was ruled by a Kachin Du-wa, a relative of the Myo

sa. Under the British dispensation it was an enemy of Naw Hpa that came to the

throne of North Hsenwi and the British refused to countenance the idea of Kachin

chiefs ruling over Shans.140The Kansi Du-wa's lineage clearly came to power

through the fact that they held a recognized title over the land from which jade is

obtained westward of Kamaing. Through all the Myanmar history during the past

century and a half nothing seems to have seriously damaged the jade trade and the

Kansi Du-wa still draws his royalties.141

Gumsa Du-was made the governing system as a clan administrative system

and made unfair taxation upon their villagers and dealt with the villagers as their

slaves, the ordinary villagers became against them and revolted. Gumlau or anti

feudal system was the system which was the result of the revolt to traditionally

ruled Du-was and landowners. The revolt spread from north triangle regions to

west Malikha during 18th and 19th centuries. Some Gumsa Du-was fled to

Hukawng Valley. Some Du-was gave in capitulated with the confession that they

would never tax again and ask volunteer and set themselves as the same with

ordinary class.142 Gumlau is one of anarchic republicanism. Each man is as good

139Leach, 1964, 224,22

140Leach, 1964, 225-226

141Hertz, 1960, 136-137

142Ma Nawng, 1977, 26 40

as his neighbours, there are no class differences, no chiefs, a protestant theory.

Among the Gumlau, factionalism is rife, each little local unit is a political entity

on its own.143

According to Kachins, their administrative system started from Hkin Du

Yang of Triangle area. Ting Mai Sha Du-wa who ruled the Hkin Du Yang village

asked much crops and the villagers in tolerated and planned to assassinate him.

But the Du-wa dodged to Putao plain, to the rise of Malikha River, on the report of

a child. His descendents were known as Dureng tribes. This Hkin Du Yang

Village is still in triangle area and survived as a monument of revolting the

administrative systems.144

More than half a century ago, a spirit of republicanism manifested in the

unadministrated territory known as the Triangle and the west of the Malikha.

Certain tribesmen who found the yoke of the Du-wa irksome and were impatient

of control, declared themselves Gumlau or rebels, threw of their hereditary

connection with the Du-wa, and settled themselves in solitary villagers of their

own. Gumlau should have come into spontaneous existence as late as 1870 and as

already noted the word Gumlau is mentioned even in an English source as early as

1828. Kawlu Ma Nawng recorded specifically relates to the Gumlau of the

Hukawng Valley. The Gumlau of the Hukawng Valley area originated in a revolt

by the N'Dup-Dumsa or blacksmith-priest lineage controls a large are in the

northeast of the Hukawng Valley, they consider themselves Gumlau but their

leaders have the power and status of chiefs, they do not eat thigh, they do not erect

chief's house posts, they do not dig ditches round their graves, but they were

treated as chiefs by the Myanmar authorities as early as 1820 and were

consistently referred to as chief by the British travels of the 1830s and by the

British Administrators who finally took control of the area a century later.145

143Tegenfeldt, 1974, 41

144Sumlut Gam, 1982, 220,222

145Ma Nawng, 1944, 26,39 41

The Gumlau area which was regarded as the Gumlau movement by the

English writers of the 1890s was that of the Triangle which includes the domains

of Sagri Bum and N'Gum La. This area supposed to have become Gumlau for the

first time around 1870, though another authority graves the specific date of 1858.

The story, as recorded in the 1890s, was that Maran Khawle, apparently a minor

lineage head of N'Gum La, killed Naw Pe, chief of N'Gum La. The clan and

lineage of the latter are not stated. Simultaneously La-bu Shawn, another

commoner, killed the chief of Sumhpawng Bum, a Lahpai. Sumhka Sinwa of

Sagri Bum and another neighbouring chiefs there upon agreed to abandon all their

chiefly privileges and to assume the title of A-gyi in place of Du-wa. 146

In all three administrative systems of Kachin, the rulers and rich people

bought and owned slaves. Especially, Du, Magam of Gumchying Gumsa used

slaves in administration, politics, warfare, economy and agricultural works. 147

They did slave trade and attacking wars with the force of slaves. Slave system

started in Kachin society in about 1500 and the main factors are found out to be as

follows:

1. Capturing the losers of the battle as slaves

2. Becoming slave from the debt to pay

3. Capturing the strangers for slaves

4. Making the persons who bewitched

5. Capturing the person who assaulted the wife or children of Du-wa

6. Slaving the orphans148

There were attacks between Kachin Du-was themselves for the reasons of

extension their territory, invading or the affairs of their children. At such times, the

winners made the losers as slaves. In the battles with other tribes for invasion, the

146Ma Nawng, 1944, 26,39

147(a) Tegenfeldt, 1974, 37

(b) Brang Di, 1996, 41

148Naw Awn, 1985, 68 42

losers also were captured as slaves. In making other tribes as slaves, there included

Shan, Chin, Naga, Wa, Palaung and Assamese and Assamese were mostly made

victing of slave trade. This was found mostly during the end of 18th century and

the early 19th century.

Hukawng Kachins participated in the First. Anglo-Myanmar War of 1824

and they captured Assamese from Assam as slaves.149 Those Assamese slaves

became the main supports in Hukawng Kachin's agricultural works. Some were

sold again to triangle regions and from their long service under Du-was, they came

to use Kachin tradition and language and changed as Kachins.150 Therefore Assam,

Singpho-Kachin of Hukawng Valley and British firstly communicated during

1824 and 1837. At that time Singpho enslaved many Assamese and sold them in

Myanmar via Hukawng and some were sold to Shans and Myanmar.151 Therefore,

English records of 1868 had the seeing of some Assamese slaves in Bhamo

Region.

Six thousand Kachin soldiers were included when Myanmar marched to

Assam Manipu in 1818. Moreover, in 1824-25, after Myanmar's retreat from

Assam, those who continued attack were the Kachins. Those Kachins possessed

many slaves and used them in fighting. British seemed to find ways to demolish

the strength of Du-was and at that time, according to the act of abolishing

slaves,152 they planned to free the Kachin's slaves. And in the early 19th century,

Captain Neufville freed 3000 slaves of Kachin Du-was. And 6000 slaves were

freed again according to the British-Singhpo Agreement of 1826 after the first

Anglo-Myanmar War.153 The fees for the freedom of these slaves were paid by

British to Kachin Du-was and Kachin Du,Magam were greatly hurt by this act.

149Brang Di, 1996, 41,45

150Leach, 1964, 294

151Leach, 1964, 294

152Slavery Abolition Act, 1833

153Brang Di, 1996, 43 43

Military force lessened and their power declined. The freed slaves of triangle

regions did not return to their natives and continued living there. Such people are

called Poi Law and their villages were called Poi Law Kahtawng. Moreover, the

slaves of Hukawng valley did not ask for permission to return their natives from

British.154

Standing the slave system of Kachin, the class of people was found and to

have been divided basing in the administrative system. They were:

1. Du, Magam or the ruling class

2. Darat Daroi or ordinary class

3. Su Rawng or the class born from ordinary class father and slave mother

4. Mayam155 or slave class

There were two kinds of slaves Kachin society,156 Ngawng Mayam and

Timung Mayam. Ngawng Mayam was the slave who did not live together with Du

was but had to serve outside works. They possessed their own houses and

properties and had to give heavy tax to Du-was. Half of whatever produced from

their production and half of their children's dowry were given as tax to Du-was.

Dowry was the brutal present given from the bridegroom's side to the bride's side.

Timung Mayam lived in the same house with Du-was and did necessary household

works. They did not need to pay tax like Ngawng Mayam.

Their owner Du-was had the responsibility for their food, clothing,

dwelling etc. 157 Therefore, Leach commented about Kachin's slave system as

follows:

Kachin Gumsa theory is almost inconsistent with Kachin practice. The

Kachin theory is the inconsistencies in actual behavious effect the total

154Brang Di, 1996, 44

155Kachins call slaves

156Naw Awn, 1985, 68

157Brang Di, 1996, 19 44

social structure. In theory, rank depends strictly upon birth status, all

legal rules are framed as if the hierarchy of aristocrats, commoners and

slaves had a caste. In Kachin theory rank is an attribute of lineage and

very individual acquires which he happens to be born. Kachin slaves

would appear that in the pre-British days, were classed as Mayam

(slaves). All slaves were owned by the chief or village headmen. In most

cases the status of slave amounted to that of permanent debtor. The slave

might be in debt bondage to his master, but he also had claims on his

master. His overall position resembled that of an adopted son or bastard

of the chief, or a poor son-in-law working to earn his bride. The slave

though reckoned to be the lowest social stratum stood nearer to the chief

that the members of any over named class. The chief disposed of the

marriages of his slaves just as he did those of his real children. Where

slave married slave, the children were slaves to the father's master.158

In conclusion, Kachins, before colonial period, lived in the hilly regions of

north, northeast and northwest of Myanmar in small tribal villages. They made

their living by shifting Taung-ya cultivation. Kachins were guessed to have

entered Myanmar about 1st century and lived in Putao plains. From there, they also

lived in triangle areas between N'maikha and Malikha rivers, to the south. Nearly

all Kachin estates were under the rule of Nan Chao during 8th and 9th century.

Under Nan Chao's power, Kachins served in the army, fighting. They settled town

at their present estates, Mohnyin, Mogaung, Bhamo, Myitkyina, Sinbo, north

Hsenwi, Katha and Yunan of China. Kachins who lived in plains, at that time,

made their living as professional soldiers of Shan Saw-bwas. Since they had lived

in the hilly triangle areas, Kachins lived and ruled according to their own rules

within their tribes. According to their tradition, they had practiced three kinds of

administrative systems. Since the end of 18th century there appeared the system of

Gumlau, the revolt of ordinary people to the traditionally ruled Gumsa Du-wa. But

only Gumsa system was practiced for many years. Because of the Gumlau revolt,

158Leach, 1964, 160,161 45

political concepts and administrative systems within Kachins differed. Some

Gumsa Du-wa of triangle area were found to have reached Hukawng and Assam.

However, Gumsa system only was practised as the most practical Kachin

traditional administrative system till 1960. All of Kachins political and

administrative policies were based on the Gumsa's political concepts and ideas

was found out that only Gumsa Du-was took the lead in Kachin's political, martial

economical and social progress. CHAPTER TWO

KACHIN UNDER THE BRITISH RULE

he British were not interested in stat

es between Yunnan Pr

ovince of China

and India border where the Kachin people lived un

til they have conquered

Upper Myanmar. Only Chinese merchants go there through the valley every year

to make business about Jade. So the Chinese made Upper Myanmar as their

merchandise state. Later the British understood it too and got interested in

conquering Upper Myanmar became their main objective. At that time the Kachin

people mainly lived in Northern State, North East and North West hills of Upper

Myanmar.1

1885, November 28 is the day the British conqueror Mandalay and take

King Thibaw as their prisoner to Yangon.2 After the Mandalay fell in British

hands, Upper Myanmar situation was change. The British General Prendergast

quickly marched to Bhamo about to after conquering Mandalay. Due to the

defence of Saw Yan Naing and Kachin forces at Sinkan and Sawaddi, the General

Prendergast and its troops could not come to Bhamo at 28 December.3 During that

time the General Norman and Major Cooke already conquered Bhamo at 28

December.4 The General Norman sent his men to clear around the Bhamo and

1 Sir Charles Crosthwaite, The Pacification of Burma, London, Frank Cass & Co. Ltd.,

1968, p.7 (Henceforth: Crosthwaite, 1968)

2 (a)Woodman, 1962, 335

(b)Kyan, 1971, 23

3 Woodman, 1962, 335

4 Dawson, 1960, 21

T 47

make defense camp. At 1 January 1886 year, the British declared that Myanmar is

now under British India Emperor.5 At that day, General Norman ordered his army

to conquer more places around Bhamo from Loanja to Laudan villages. 6 At

administration roles, Major Cooke became the first Bhamo Deputy and began their

governing duties.7 During that time Kachin Du-was were in charge of the east state

of Bhamo. Among them, Mahtang Du-wa was the most powerful. He ever closed

the between his state and China from Myanmar merchants caused he's afraid of

marching of British army.

In February 1886, Major Main Warring of Captain Wax who camped in

Bhamo of Sawaddi marched together with Major Cooke for first time by water and

land passing through Sinbo Hukat road to Mogaung. In marching, Hpunggan Du

wa defended them from Shawngtawk and Captain Wax and other sergeant was

injured pulled back to Bhamo by water way. The British wants to conquer Bhamo

then Mogaung after conquering Upper Myanmar. They thought that would be easy

to win. But they experience more and more defense after trying to conquer more

state. Except Bhamo, other states were not easy to conquer for one time and they

use more forces get.8

In March 1886, Major Cooke marched again to Mogaung and reached. He

gave Myo-ôk Maung Kala who had been Myo-ôk during Myanmar King. Also

Maung Shwe Kyar and Mg Sein as usual the position of Narkhan. Then they went

west back to Bhamo. After Major Cooke return, Maung Kala was assassinated in

May.9 The Mogaung citizens did not account to live under British command.

5 Crosthwaite, 1968, 7

6 Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 332

7 Dawson, 1960, 21

8 Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 332

9 Hertz, 1960, 25 48

Assassination of Maung Kala by anti-colonialist indicates did not want to live

under British command and the people who become British slaves.

The Kachin took advantage of Major Cooke marching to Mogaung and

attacked Sawaddi camp at south of Bhamo due to weak city patrol in Bhamo. The

leader was Hpunggan Du-wa was in that attack.10 The Bhamo Deputy ordered to

Hpunggan Du-wa about the attack of Sawaddi but he did not come. So in 19 April

1886, Major Cooke and his forces marched to destroy Hpunggan Kachin. The

troops led by Major Cooke conquered Shawngtawk at base of the road to

Hpunggan Village and then marched to Katran Village in 12 April. 11 During

marching due to the defense of Hpunggan Kachin, the British officer Captain Wax,

Captain Lyle, and other five soldiers were injured and fell back to Mansi.12 During

camping in Mansi, the Kachin people frequently came to attack. The British camps

also put the Shawng-tawk and other two Kachin villages on fire.13 The British

began to force to conquer as they had not succeeded diplomatically.

On 22 May 1886, the British troops in Mansi marched again to Katran.14 At

that time; Hpunggan Du-wa Bulung gathered 1000 soldiers and defended the

British troops at place four miles far from Mansi Village. The two sides lost forces

equally and the Kachin people fell back to Hpunggan Village.15 The British forces

fell back to Panyawng. During 1886, the British troops around Bhamo were

10(a) Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 333

(b) Kyan, 1971, 175

11Dawson, 1960, 22

12Kyan, 1971, 176

13Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 332

14Kyan, 1971, 176

15Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 333 49

attacked frequently.16 The British only faced with Kachin forces during 1886. The

administration plans that the British have planned were made difficult by Kachin

people. The power of Chinese was how and the border situation was unknown. At

that situation, firstly faced only Kachin forces. The Shan villagers were protected

by hill people, the Kachin.

The British were not enter Myothit and Sinkan which were near Bhamo. At

that time the Sinkan was full of Kara Kachin people. The Lahtawng Kachin from

Palok Village frequently attacked that state.17 By looking at the rest, except inside

Bhamo, other places were in chaos. On 14 November 1886, the Shan, Kachin and

Chinese people attacked the British forces in Bhamo. But they were to retreat

because of outnumbered weapons. In that battle, three Sepoys soldiers from

British forces and five soldiers from defenders were lost.18 So during 1887, in

return to the attack of Kachin around the plains of Bhamo, so many sacrifices were

done. But could not reach to mountain states. Moreover, the British were afraid of

Hpunggan Du-wa and make camping in villages where they thought there would

be defenders. There was force with 200 soldiers camping on Mansi near the base

of the road to Hpunggan Du-wa Village. In Shwegu, a Myanmar Myo-ôk was

given Myo-ôk and filled more fourty soldiers as city guard. The punishment

system was first started. After defeating state around Bhamo, the Du-wa who went

to British was Mahtang Du-wa. 19 Mahtang Du-wa was also powerful on the road

to China Embassy.

16 Dakkasu Htoisan, Kachin Toe-ei English Nè-che San-kyin-ye Taik-pwe (Kachin

Nationalist's Anti-imperialist Campaigns), May Offset, Yangon, 2002, p.11 (Henceforth: Htoisan,

2002)

17Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 334

18Dawson, 1960, 22

19Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 334 50

Later after Maung Kala was assassinated in Mogaung, the British sent

Maung Tun Kywe from Bhamo as Mogaung Myo-ôk. And the son of Maung Kala,

Maung Po Saw as Nar-khan which was Maung Sein place. The people of

Mogaung didn't like the ones placed by British, so Maung Tun Kywe run from

Mogaung to Sinbo. Mogaung people elected Maung Po Saw as Myo-ôk, then in

September 1886, the British also selected Maung Po Saw as Myo-ôk and ordered

Maung Tun Kywe to Bhamo.20 After that Mogaung was ruled by Maung Po Saw

as Myo-ôk, Nar-khan as Mg Shwe Kyar and Maung Kyae, and the clerk as Maung

Kyu. Later Maung Shwe Kyar the Nar-khan quit and ruled with only one Myo-ôk

and Nar-khan. 21 Myo-ôk Maung Po Saw was said to be ruled under British

command but he was not fully under British command and became opposite.

Mogaung was not to be under British. It seems that the British only use the former

officers in their position and first then their people.

In Mongmit, Hkam Leng22 asked the British the place of MongmitSaw-bwa,

the British denied Hkam Leng's offer and made him as revolution on October 1887.

Hkam Leng was able to stand by the help of Kachin. So the British attacked the

village of Lwe-saing and Dung Hkung23 which were Kachin villages and helped

Hkam Leng and were defeated. In November 1887, the deputy reached Si-u and

Sikaw was made as center and a new state was made. So at that month, the British

forces who camped in Si-in were attacked by Kachin forces from Sare Village.

They also recaptured the villages which were under British. A battle occurred in

Chyetaw Jipa because the British returned with 100 soldiers and two cannons. The

British burnt and destroyed four Kachin Villages.24

20Dawson, 1960, 22

21Hertz, 1960, 28

22Kan Hlaing

23Tonhan

24 Dawson, 1960, 23 51

On 27 December 1887 a force led by Captain Triscott and the Major

Adamson as political officer left from Bhamo to capture Mogaung.25 When they

reached Sinbo, Major Adamson, the Bhamo Deputy talked with Maung Po Saw at

Sinbo and ordered to Kachin Du-wa to come to Mogaung along with the rations.26

The British forces captured Hukat and reached Mogaung on 14 January 1888. All

the officers came to meet Major Adamson except Maung Po Saw and run away.27

Then he joined with the Kachin Du-was. The Kachin called Maung Po Saw as

Mogaung Zau Gam.28 The British searched and attacked Maung Po Saw ever since

1888.29 During that mission, a battle occured in Moknaung Village. At that battle,

although the Kachin attacked from side of Maung Po Saw, his trusted person Bo

Ti along with Kachin. They were captured to Bhamo and were prisoned. As for the

place of Myo-ôk position in Mogaung, Maung Po Mya the cousin brother of

Maung Po Saw.30 The British had already started the ruling plans of Mogaung

when they left the Bhamo.

After capturing Mogaung, in 1888, early February the political officer and

Bhamo Deputy Major Adamson and Captain Triscott led the forces and marched

into the jade mines area. On 10 February 1888, they met with Du-wa Kansi Naung,

the chief in jade mines area and had a deal.31 At that meeting, not only Du-wa

25Hertz, 1960, 27

26Crosthwaite, 1968, 239

27Hertz, 1960, 27

28Maran Bawk Lar, Sama Du-wa Sin War Nawng A-thu Pa-ti (Biography of Sama Du-wa

Sin War Nawng), Yangon, Nay Yi Yi Press, December 1980, p.23 (Henceforth: Bawk Lar, 1980)

29U Tin Maung Yin, "A-htet Myanmar Naing-ngan ko British-to Thein-yu-pyi-nauk

Taung-tan-day-tha-mye ko Thein-thwin Khae-pon " (After annexation of Upper Myanmar by the

British, how hilly regions were occupied), Literature and Social-science Journal, Vol.II, No.3,

September 1969, p.49 (Henceforth: Tin Maung Yin, 1969)

30Hertz, 1960, 28

31 Hertz, 1960, 135 52

Kansi Nawng, Kansi La, and other twelve Du-was also came.32 From that day on

the Kansi33 State was under British's hand. On capturing the Upper Myanmar, the

capturing of the state that had gems was one of their main objectives. So after

capturing of Mandalay, later Bhamo, and then Mogaung and then the place that

had business about gems were quickly captured.

There was no attack during marching into jade mines area, but on the return

from Kamaing to Mogaung, the British were attacked by the force of Maung Po

Saw and other Kachin Du-wa. That Du-was were Sama Du-wa and Pungkaw Du

wa. The Pungkaw Du-wa was most helpful during this combined attack. So in

order to defeat the Pungkaw Du-wa, the British army marched to Pungkaw Village

on 17 February 1888. The force was about 140 soldiers and they were led by Lieut.

O'Donnel along with Mogaung inspector Mr. Twoney and Dr Paul. On marching

on their way to Pungkaw Village, they were attacked by Pungkaw Du-wa when

they were camping near Nam Padaung Creek.34 On 19 February, the British left

fourty soldiers as guards near Nam Padaung Creek and marched to nearest villages

Taungsi, Ponga and Maru and attacked but the Kachin bravely defended so that

the British were retreated. Then Col. Adamson ordered Maung Po Saw as wanted

along with the reward Rs.1000. Mogaung was make sub-division and another

Inspector was assigned to rule. A fort larger than Bhamo was built in Mogaung.

The guards involved 350 soldiers and they were Military Police Battalion

transferred from Bhamo. The Mogaung Military Police Battlion was ruled by

Captain O’Donnel.35 And so the British made their defense and administration at

Bhamo and Mogaung, the business centres for Upper Myanmar. They used many

forces in weapons, army and ruled. From that time on it seems that the revolution

was done in any man or weapon and defended as best as they could. On 23 April

32Crosthwaite, 1968, 255

33Ginsi or U-ru Tract

34Hoisan, 2002, 37

35Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 335 53

1888, a force led by Lt. O’Donnel and Captain Elioth marched to Taungbaw

Village as they had information about Bo Ti living in South Azi Kachin Village

and collecting forces, there is a furious battle occurred between British and Bo Ti

with Kachin. At that battle, the revolutionist force was 200 in eighteen were lost

and many were captured.36 On that years, April Sana Lahtawng Kachin who lived

in north east of Mogaung attacked the British camp which was now Myitkyina. On

the south, at Sinbo, battles occurred between Magam Du-wa and the British. On 6

May, the Lama Marip tribe who lived on Lawngkan mountains around Sinbo came

to Nampapa Village which was four miles from Sinbo. For Manau festival and

those two villages fought against each other.37 Because that fighting, the British

marched into Nampapa and set camp. The Magam Du-wa attacked and destroyed

that camp. Moreover, the British boats and ships which sailed in the river from

Lachyumaw to Mogaung were frequently disturbed and destroyed. 38 After

capturing Mogaung, the British were defended by Du-wa leading the Kachin who

lived around Mogaung.

In the night of 20 May 1888, the British forces in Mogaung were attacked

by guerrillas around the Mogaung.39 Mogaung battle was the battle which the two

sides fought furiously until 21 May. Lifes of many anti-colonist were lost in that

battle. During battle fourty-nine anti-colonists were lost and the nine sepoys

soldiers from British were lost and fifteen were injured.40 400 anti-colonists were

involved in Mogaung battle and many of them were Uru Seywa, Kamaing and

Shan people from Mogaung. Their leader was Bo Ti. Also Kachin and Myanmar

36(a) Hertz, 1960, 32

(b) Crosthwaith, 1968, 261

37Hertz, 1960, 32-3

38Htoisan, 2002, 22

39Hertz, 1960, 33, 36

40Crosthwaith, 1968, 261 54

were involved.41 Later death due to the injured wound, Mogaung battle lost 100 of

anti-colonists. The Kachin Du-wa involved in Mogaung battle were Sama Gum

Sengli, Kadung Seng, Du-wa Hpaukan Seng, Walaw Bum Tu, Hpunggan Zau Ba,

Lcgyenhku Hka Du, Lahpai Hpau Gam, Hpunggan Ura Naw, Hpanggan Zau,

Hkachyang Tu, Ure Gam, Numraw Zaw Htoi and so on who lived around the

Mogaung. 42 After the Mogaung battle was over, the British dismissed all

Myanmar Officers that they had assigned.

Ever since the battle of Mogaung was over, the roads to jade mines area

were closed by Maung Po Saw and Lahpai Kachin Du-wa. Moreover Azi Kachin

attacked and blocked between Moehnyin and Mogaung. So in the south of

Mogaung, the Azi Kachin and in the north, the Lahpai Kachin were attacking, the

British planed to punish the Kachin. But the British discovered that Mogaung

forces was outnumbered compared with the revolutionists. There were only 500

soldiers when Mogaung battle occurred. So they planed to reinforce and planed to

destroy the Kachin. At first, they had to penetrate the blockage around Mogaung.

Moreover, the Chief Commissioner allowed them to reinforce and to build ten

camps around Mogaung since October 1888.

The British planned to build and defense camps on the road to jade mines

area on west Irrawaddy, around Mogaung and reinforced. Building camps in

Kamaing and Mogaung was also penetrating the way to jade mines area. Camping

in Nyaung Binda twenty-four miles from south of Mogaung was to defeat the Azi

Kachin who supported Bo Ti and Po Saw. Camping in Indawgyi was to capture

the states of Sama Du-wa. They planned to make then stronger by capturing Hukat,

Patit and Sinbo.

41Hertz, 1960, 32

42Htoisan, 2002, 32 55

After reinforcing and camping, they built strategies to give lesson the

Kachin around Mogaung. In winter, 1888-89, the campaign began. The strategies

plans are:

(1) To suppress the Laphai tribe on the north of Mogaung

(2) To suppress Azi tribe on south of Mogaung

(3) To suppress Lahtawng tribe on north east of Mogaung

(4) To suppress the Maran tribe on the west of Sinbo.

And they also declared this order.

The most important of the primitive expedition is that against the Lahpai

tribe, a very powerful and influential one, the submission of which would

probably lead to that of others and made the remaining expeditions

unnecessary.43

All those strategies were directed by Sir George White and he directed the

Military Police battalions in Mogaung. 44 Before marching and attacking they

ordered the Sama Du-wa, Pungga Du-wa and other Kachin Du-wa to give up

under Mogaung Deputy, to give the valuables lost by merchants because of

Kachin people, and to give then Maung Po Saw and Bo Ti who were involved in

case of Maung Shwe Kyar assassination.45 And ordered Magam Du-wa to give

debt for the in Nampapa and La-chyu-maw. They warned that there would be

attack.46 And so on the British used easy way and hard ways for the Kachin to

become their subjects.

43Hertz, 1960, 39

44Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 336

45Crosthwaite, 1968, 263, 264

46Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 336 56

On 8 January 1889, army led by Capt O’Donnel marched from Mogaung to

attack the Sama where Laphai tribe lived on the North of Mogaung.47 The force

was fifty soldiers, 240 Military police and two cannons from No.2 Bengal

Mountain Battery.48 Kamaing was captured on 11 January and a battle occurred in

Hudung on 30 January. The ten British soldiers were lost on that battle and the

Hudung Villages was burned and destroyed along with 18,000 tins of crops. And a

battle occurred between Hudung and Kamaing, and two Kachin were lost and

injured.

And then they reached Tanai Stream on 18 February and reached Sama on

19 February. Battle occurred in that village. At this battle, each Captain O’Donnel

and Mac Donald had small injury but Lieut. Haurker was died from injury. The

Sama-laphai campaign ended on 9 March and then they returned to Mogaung.49

During Sama-laphai camping, twenty-four villagers including all houses in each

village in Sama Du-wa were destroyed along with 194,000 lbs of crops. Twenty

one man were lost from British.50

After defeating the Sama-laphai tribe, on 11 March 1889, an army led by

Captain O’Donnel left from Mogaung and marched to North of Mogaung in order

to attack the Azi Kachin. This marching was due to the attack of their troops on

their way to jade mines area on May 1888, and because of connecting with Bo Ti.

They first captured Nyaungbintha Village with no defenders which was the

villages of Shan and Kachin. They built a foot in Nyaungbintha. On March 28,

47Crosthwaite, 1968, 263, 264

48Hertz, 1960, 40

49(a) Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 337

(b) Hertz, 1960, 42, 46

50Hertz, 1960, 46 57

they destroyed the ten villages in surrounding places except Waranawng Village.51

They didn’t destroy Waranawng Village because they went under the British. On 1

April 1889, Captain O’Donnel marched again to north east of Mogaung in order to

lesson Sama Lahtawng tribe. Their cause of attack was due to pirating around in

Mogaung surroundings. That forces left on 1 April 1889, and they destroyed Sana

Village on 4 April.52 They build camps in state on the north and sixteen miles far

from Sana Village, Maw Khan Village and on the west Auhkye Village.53

And on 15 April 1889, marched to attack the Magau Du-wa who were

Maran tribes who lived in west of Sinbo. They said that the cause was due to

attacking of Nampapa and La-chyu-maw on May 1888. There was defending on

20 April and there occurred battles and Magau, Lasha, Pinzon and Lwepun

villages were destroyed and burnt. All those villages are gone after 26 April. The

villages also involved in attacking La-chyu-maw, Kawaw, Assin and Kaching

were destroyed, 54 too. On 1888-89, summer, the British army had already

destroyed fourty-six villages and burned 639 houses 509,000 lbs of crops were

also destroyed. Seventeen soldiers were lost from the side of revolutions and four

soldiers including one officer from British were lost and thirty-nine men were

injured to death. Due to the campaigns, the British made a lot of profit.

Kamaing was captured and Military Police camp was opened. So the road

to jade mines area was opened. In May 1889, not less than ninety-eight villages

51(a) Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 337

(b) Hertz, 1960, 46, 47

(c) Crosthwaite, 1968, 266

52Hertz, 1960, 47

53Lawang Li, Myit-kyi-na-myo Tha-maing (History of Myitkyina), Hanson and Jinghpaw

Kasa Press, Myitkyina, 1995, p.3 (Henceforth: Lawang Li, 1995)

54(a) Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 337

(b) Hertz, 1960, 47 58

under British. Except two villages from Sama, two small villages from Sinbo

surroundings, all villages from Azi Laphai, total fourteen villages and Du-wa from

Mogaung went under the British. Moreover Marip tribe from jade mines area were

under the governing of Du-wa Kasi Nawng but Tsassen Kachin from Hukaung and

villages with amber mines went under British.55 For the war debt, they have to pay

fine along with their armed weapons. There was twenty-two battles occurred in

last campaigns and the British captured forty-three fortress of Kachin.

At that time in Bhamo, Hkam Leng was always patrolling from above

Sinkan to Siu. He was supported by Lwesaing and Dunghkung Kachin. So the

British army marched to attack them and battle occurred in Malang, twenty miles

far from Si-u on 3 February 1889, and in that battle two mans from British and ten

man were injured. All of their ration were also lost and they requested help to

remaining troops in Bhamo and so on 6 February, sixty mans from Hampshire

Army and 150 man from No.17 Bengal force and cannon troops were led by

Captain Smith marching to Malang Village and battle occurred and one officers

from British, four mans were lost and seventeen were injured.56 At that month,

Hpunggan Du-wa and Saw Yan Naing attacked the British camps in Si-kaw,

Kyaw-gaung and Sawaddi.57

So, in order to defeat the Hpunggan Du-wa, on 15 April 1889, General

Weasley along with Bhamo Deputy Mr.Shaw led the ways to attack. They

marched with two forces and met a little defense capturing Hpunggan Village.

They asked a lot of fine and weapons for war.58 In May 1889, the Kachins attacked

in Bhamo but they were weaken arms and twenty mans were lost so they retreat.

In June, Kachin from Lwesaing Village and Dunghkung Village attacked and

55Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 337, 338

56Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 338

57Dawson, 1960, 24

58Dawson, 1960, 24-5 59

captured British fort in Si-u. The British try to recapture Si-u but in doing so they

lost twenty-one mans and retreat.59 In July, the British offered Dunghkung and

Lwesaing to give up but Kachins fell by attacking Si-kaw. The attacks also

occurred with wood manufactures in Kaukkwe. So the British Government

ordered to attack Lwesaing and Dunghkung and the marching began on December

1889, Hkam Leng and Lwesaing joined forces with Kachins from Dunghkung and

a battle occurred in Mole Village in Bhamo and in that battle the British lost fifty

soldiers. The revolutionists had to retreat because their weapons were lacked. The

British captured Lwesaing on 23 December 1889, and Dunghkung on 24

December. The two villages were burned and destroyed and a fine of Rs.10 were

ordered to give from each house. All villages which were connected with

Hkamleng were also destroyed. Lwesaing Du-wa and his followers were kept as

political prisoners in Bhamo prison.60 The British tortured the Kachins who help

Saw-Yan Naing and Hkam Leng. In doing so they thought that Saw Yan Naing

and Hkam Leng would leave from Kachin and the Kachin were not able to join

with then and their forces would be broken. Between 1889-90, the British put

more forces in Bhamo guard and kept patrolling in the east mountains and north

east of Bhamo as much as they could61.

In May 1890, the British fort in Dunghkung was attacked by Kachin and

also in that year, the British army marched from Bhamo and Jelan was attacked in

between Nam-un Village and Manghang Village leading by Manghang Du-wa and

Laphai Naw Seng.62 And then the army force led by Lt. Eliott along with Major

Hobday, survey of India, Captain Blewitt, King’s Royal Rifles attacked west of

59Woodman, 1962, 352

60Dawson, 1960, 25

61 From Colonel G.A. Stover, Commissioner of the North Division, to the chief Secretary

to the Chief Commissioner, Burma, No.260-2, dated on 11 March 1890, Series No.1, Acc,

No.2924, National Achives Department

62Htoisan, 2002, 34-5 60

Ayeyarwady. On 23 December 1890, they marched from Sinbo to Tingsa Punlum

mountains where Lahpai tribes lived. There was no argument with the Kachin in

that villages but small battle occurred with the Sana Lahtawng people in Kachaing

Village. In the process of defeating, marching and capturing along the river

Irrawaddy, they met with chief in Maingna, Kwitu and Shadan tribes. There was

no battle occur although the tribes did not like them. And then they marched to

eastern mountains and Maran tribes were captured. Their marching reached to

Waingmaw and then went back to Talawgyi in March 1891. The British wanted to

discover the east of Irrawaddy and their main purpose was to discover Sadon. But

they were unable because of the attack by Shadan tribe. Their marching and

discovering was to draw and make a map for their empire. So they draw a map for

the places, where they have marched.63 But the Kachins owned the important

places about river, stream, lake and roads.

On 16 February 1891, the British marched to Sama Village. The marching

was that they had information of attacking. In Mogaung because Po Saw and Sama

Du-wa were also collecting forces. But where they reached to Sama Village, there

were only followers and Po Saw and Sama Du-wa have run away. 64 During

marching to Sama Village with O’Donnel, there was rebel occurred in Wuntho. So

General Wesley ordered Captain O’Donnel to march to Taung-thone-lone. In

April 1891, on first week, the marching was done by two formations. One was led

by Captain O’Donnel to defeat Sama Village on their way to Taung-thone-lone.

Another was led by Lt. Wilding to march from Indawgyi, the way the march was

get passed near the camp where Po Saw was hiding. They captured everyone who

63Hertz, 1960, 51-2

64Hertz, 1960, 50 61

have connected with Po Saw. But Po Saw was escaped and they burnt and

destroyed Lana, Namkan, Namsai and Nawpwi villages.65

On early March 1891, the Kachins attacked the British military camp in

Hudung. Hudung Du-wa was shot and killed and all villages who were in

connection with revolutionary were burnt and destroyed. The Kachins who lived

beside Bhamo the Kaukkwe River were defeated and persuaded on April 1891.66

In 1891 the British was not able to govern safely for the Kachin Hill. The attacks

they have performed in practical was only punishing in theory. Later that the

British Government built rules. The rules were given local chiefs and tribes the

certificate, and guns to give duties.67 So they built rules about to have certificate

for each of the leaders of the villages, and they have the right to do with their

power and the British government appreciates it and to live good with all the

wealth they get.

Between 1891-92, the British did campaigns on East and West of

Irrawaddy. In the Kachin Hills east of Irrawaddy, there was getting of taxes,

examining of guns and licensing and destroying guns done. In this campaign, all

states have not defended except Sadon.68 But a little local tribes went under British.

They lived on the mountains near China borders. They frequently attacked the

states where the British had captured. 69 So the British claimed a rule about

punishing the Kachin State and also organized the Kachins to pay fees and to build

their basic governing system which would be repaid for them.

65Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 348-49

66Dawson, 1960, 25

67(a) Dawson, 1960, 26

(b) Hertz, 1960, 54

68Dawson, 1960, 26

69Hertz, 1960, 53 62

So in order to accomplish these rules, they marched with four columns and

organized the places from Namhkam to Simkan which was North East of the

Bhamo along the border in between 1891-92. Those columns were (1) Irrawaddy

Column (2) North-Eastern Column (3) Eastern Column and (4) Sinkan Column.70

Irrawaddy column was to defeat the rebels in Sadon. On 23 December

1891, that column marched from Myitkyina. On 25 December, the column led by

Major Yule marched from Waingmaw to Sadon. Those columns included more

than 400 soldiers. On their marching, they were attacked at Tingri stream by

Sadon Kachin with more than 100 soldiers in forces. So the British reached with

difficulty to Sadon on 30 January 1892. Two columns were involved in attacking

of Sadon, one by Captain Goodwyn, and the other by Lieut Denne. Sadon was

occupied on 30 January immediately after capturing Sadon, they built a fort. Then

the Irrawaddy column marched to North and North East of Sadon. First they

marched to Kambaiti which was the Chinese border and then to North where

Kumpi-bum existed. The marching is to persuade the Du-wa lived in North of

Sadon and also Wawchan to live under British command. After Sadon was

captured, Shadan Kawng Du-wa collected forces at North of N’mai Kha, to

defense and attacked the British, so the British army marched to Shadan Kawng,

and captured the Shadan Kawng Village. The Kachins lived in Sadon did not have

their weapons to attack to British and instead they run to villages in the east of

Sadon, such as Saga Pa, Zawkrung, Bumwa, Muntarin Hpyu and Yinmaw and

hide. The Kachins reinforced in Bumwa which was four miles far from Sadon but

the British army defeated them and they had to live under British. The British

order to Kachins to build fort, so, the other Kachins did not like and one day when

Irrawaddy column was in patrol and there was a little guards in Sadon, the Kachin

took that chance and strike at Sadon for seven days in February 1892.71 In Sadon

70Hertz, 1960, 54

71Woodman, 1962, 364 63

battle on the British seventy soldiers and Lieut Harrison were killed. Only two

man were lost from Kachin’s side Sadon fort was named in honor for Lieut

Harrisson and named as Fort Harrison.72

The North-eastern Column with Captain Davies and Mr. Hertz as political

officer recaptured Sadon on 20 February but even though they recapture with

difficulties, they were attacked frequently.73 Because the places around Sadon was

places where many revolutionaries hide especially Po Saw, Bo Ti, Sama Du-wa

Gumsengli and Wuntho Saw-bwa. Sadon was on the main road to the China and it

was existed centrally. So the British wanted their fort to strong as much as they

could. The revolutionaries lived in the State of Kaching Du-wa such as Sansi,

Sadon, Shadan Kawng, Tinggaw and Sama and together they shaked hands with

the Kachins in their anti-colonist campaign.

The North-eastern Column with Captain Davis and Mr. Hertz, political

officer left from Bhamo Myothit on 17 December 1891, and patrolled around the

states along Chinese border and from Myothit they travelled from Taping River to

Namtabet Stream. Then they knew about Samapa. In 1 April 1892, on the North

eastern column made to Talawgyi and they captured 700 guns and also Rs 4000 as

fees.74 Eastern column also travelled to the Taku and Mahtang State which were

not under British. They get fifty-five guns and fee for the first states they had

travelled. They gave job of village head and Du-wa. After travelling to another

state of ninety villages, they get 258 guns and gave license for 104 of them. They

also fine Rs 1,638. Sinkan column travelled from Namhkam to the border of China.

They also travelled around Kachin Hills which were along Sinkan River and

assigned jobs, collecting taxes and cancelling or issuing guns, while 19 Du-wa

72Hertz, 1960, 56

73Hertz, 1960, 54-7

74Bawk Lar, 1980, 23 64

were appointed and issued license for 64 guns, 44 were captured and taxes were

collected.75

In that year, the British sent a study group to Hukaung Valley. It was called

Maing kwan Column. It left on 21 December 1891, and entered Main kwan via

Ladan. Möng kwan Village was a centre of Hukaung Valley. On 9 January, 1892,

they reached Möng Kwan. On that day, they met a British column from Assam at

Möng Kwan. They studied amber mines, and rubber plantations at N’ Dup-Dumsa.

Then, after studying Daru Valley, via the waster jade mine, they got back to

Mogaung on 7 March, 1892. Moreover, Mogaung Column and Indawgyi

Columns were also sent, to organize the Kachin in the environs of Mogaung and

Indawgyi, especially to search for Wuntho Saw-bwa in Thaung-thone-lone. The

Wuntho Shan lord collaborated with Indawgyi chief Kalimgwa and attacked the

British, so there broke out small battle in the environs of Na-mun Creek.76

In 1892-93, in winter, the British were to build Sama and Namkhan

Fortress in the border land areas,77 so as to continue the campaigns. The British

were begun to follow policies more carefully in organizing the Kachins, because

the Kachins, after making an attack, often fled to the China border. So it was

planned to remove the Kachin from the support of China, and any forces related to

Kachin. First, the Kachin races were divided, those who lived within the boundary

of the British fortress and camps and those who did not. Thus, the British dealt

with the first type of Kachin as their subject while the second type was treated

only politically plans were made not to make any interference as long as their

administration was not affected; to accept only so-called tax; and not to impose the

case of cancellation of guns by force. The boundary extended to the borderland

areas on the east bank of the Irrawaddy, and up to N’mai Hka of Upper Irrawaddy.

75Woodman, 1962, 365

76Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 355

77Hertz, 1960, 58-9 65

The fortresses had civil officers appointed for supervision.78 In 1892-93, in the

open season, through the civil officers, contacts were made with the local chiefs

individually, and policies were laid down; defining the provincial boundary of

each chief; the defining the rate of revenues according to the number of guns kept

in the village, and family members on every 1 November; a site was announced

for collecting the revenues. For example, a site close to the Assistant Deputy

Commissioner, etc.79 So the British Government marched to Kachin mountain

ranges in seven columns in winter, 1892-93, to implement the above, mentioned

policies and strategies: (1) North- Eastern Column (2) Sinkan Column (3) Eastern

Column (4) Mogaung Column (5) Kyauk-kwe Column (6) Nambkan Column (7)

Sama Column.80

The North Eastern Column led by Capt. Boyne Mortan and the politics

officer Mr. Hertz organized at Talawgyi to occupy Sama, and on 3rd December

1892, left,81 with the objectives of building fortress at Sama and collecting taxes

on the Kachins in their occupied areas. That column was attacked by the Kachins

at N’Kran Village. The Kachins from N’kran Village and Sama Village led by

N’Kran Du-wa Dumphya Tu Ba, and Sama Du-wa Zau Lung and Hpalap Shaw

Gawn. The sepoy soldiers fell, and Lt. Dent got injured.82 But the N’Kran Du-wa

joined the British, and with his guide, the British troop reached Sama on 14

December, 1892. They were surrounded and attacked by 1500 forces from the

neighbouring villages of Sama.83 That Sama Battle lasted from 14 December 1892

to 15 January, 1893. During the conflict, the Sama Fortress was built by the

78Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 359

79Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 359

80Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 360

81Hertz, 1960, 59

82(a) Hertz, 1960, 60

(b) Woodman, 1962, 367

83Hertz, 1960, 60 66

British. In the battle Capt. Mortan got wounded and died. The British troops had to

retreat. He was succeeded by Lieut. Master, who was enclosed by the

revolutionists. So reinforcements were sent: 100 auxiliary forces headed by Lieut

Drever to join the forces of Lieut New bold in N’Kran. Deploying 1200 forces

(100 soldiers heads by Capt. Atkinsan of Eastern Column, Namhkam Column, and

Kaukkwe Column headed by Capt, and Kaukkwe Column headed by Capt. Alban),

the British attacked Sama. In that battle, Mr. Brooke-Meares fell, and Lieut Master

got severely wounded and died. So there were many losses on the side of the

British in Sama Battle: the total number of 108 soldiers died while Capt. Boyce

Mortan, Lieut. Master and Mr. Brooke Mears died and Capt. Atkinson, Lieut Dent

and Lieut Cooke-Hurle got wounded.84 So Sama Fortress was named Fort Mortan

in honour of Capt. Boyce Mortan. The Kachin Du-was who took the lead in Sama

battle were Du-wa Sama Zau Ba, Du-wa Sama Zaw Lung, Lagyi La Hpri, Du-was

Maitaung Zau Taung and Du-wa from other villages.

Taking a stronghold at Sama,85 the Kachins continued to attack the British,

while the British destroyed all the villages on the environs of Sama. The British

troops marching to Hpalap Bum were attacked by the Kachins led by N’hkum and

Lahpai Du-wa. In the Hpalap Battle, that broke out on 4 February, 1893, Capt.

Alban, Atkinson and Drever combined their forces and occupied Hpalap. From the

side of the Kachins, the Chinese soldiers joined the attack.86

On 14th December, when Sama Column reached Sama, Sama Hill on the

side of Myitkyina was attacked by Sana Du-was. Shing-reng-wa took the lead,

who was Lathawng Du-wa who lived in the north west of Myitkyina.87 30 soldiers,

84Woodman, 1962, 368

85Sima Hill

86(a) Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 362-63

(b) Bawk Lar, 1980, 25

87Hertz, 1960, 60 67

including the lieutant at the British camp, were killed. The British head quarters

offices were also destroyed. At that time, the Eastern Column was touring on the

other Kachin mountain range while Lt. Gorden’s Eastern Column was on tour over

the Kachin range to the east of Bhamo, they had to march to Sama in order to give

reinforcement to Sama.

Mogaung Column lead by Lt. Drever was on tour in the environs of

Mogaung when Myitkyina was attacked by Sama-Kachin. But the British could

not take prompt action against Sama, but considered how Sana and Sama were

related. So they marched to Sama villages,88 Mogaung Province, on 13 January,

18931. In Sama Region, there was only nephew of Sama Du-wa, so there was no

issue, and taxes were collected, and they returned to Kamaing, while Mogaung

Column was in Sama, Mr. George made agreement related to Lama after meeting

Kansi Du-wa. The agreement was that Lama Village had to pay the fine of Rs.

2000, because Kachins of Lama attacked the sepoys soldiers, on patrol, and two

sepoys were killed.89 Then, Mogaung Column returned to give reinforcement to

Sama Column of Kamaing.

The Namhkan Fortress was built in early December, 1892. Namhkam

Column suppressed the Kachins between Namhkam and the border. The Kachin

Villages in Man Hang, Sèlan in the environs of Namhkam were also suppressed.90

When Kachin re-occupied Sama Bum, the city guard troop of Namhkam had to

march many times.

Though Sinkan were under Kachin, there were no fierce battles against the

British. Sinkan Column left Shwegu in September. In Sinkan, Kara-Lahtawng

88East Sama on the east of the Irrawaddy; West Sama on the west of the Irrawaddy: the

race was of the Sama

89Hertz, 1960, 63

90Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 364 68

quarrel solved. In February, 1893, there broke out quarrels between Kachin and

Hkam Leng. But no action was taken against. Similarly, Kaukkwe Column toured

along Kaukkwe Valley.91 Kaukkwe was only under Kachin. There was attacked

from Laika Village. The revolutionist Kachins had taken refuge in China. That

Kaukkwe Region was placed under the control of Pumkin Du-was. Thus,

Kaukkwe Column did capturing the weapons and collecting taxes on their return.

The Mahtang Du-wa claimed the right to collect taxes on the south of the

Taping River, which was the Sino-Myanmar diplomatic route.92 Thus, the British

toured in Seven Columns, but it cannot be said that they had totally governed the

Kachin. The Kachins to give up because of having weaker armed. Both sides lost

lives in battles, so the British wished to solve the conflict politically. The Du-was

of each race were assigned duties of tax collection, judicial affairs and

administration. No Du-wa who was anti-British was appointed such duties. So the

Kachins did not stop their anti-colonism, but continued to plunder and attack the

British in various regions.

In November, 1893, the British Governor of Myanmar came to Bhamo. The

Du-was also attended the Durbar.93 The Governor wanted to introduce the kind of

administration to Kachin, as in Rakhine. The boundary was defined from Laban

near the confluence of the N'mai Hka and the Mali Hka, to the northern most

region of jade mines. Every year, in winter, only the Deputy Commissioner toured

with a few escorts.

In 1894-95, the British administration could take a strong hold in Kachin

Hills in Bhamo. In December 1894, a meeting was held on opening Namkham

Bhamo. On the meeting were present Santa Du-wa and Kangai Du-wa, who

91Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 364

92Dawson, 1960, 27-8

93Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 365 69

negotiated over border matters.94 In 1894-95, the Sino-Myanmar boundary line

was roughly decided.95

The British troops, who were marching to Triangle Area, were attacked in

January, 1895, in Myitkyina, by Sabaw Myihtoiwa at Satap, so the British troops

had to retreat in 15 January. Then in Stak, Munji and Sana Villages in Myitkyina’s

environs, the police stations were attacked. 96 In 1894-95, the land Surveyor

Commission led by Mr. E.C George, Capt. Henry and Mr. Hertz took

measurement of the lands which Sana Lahtawng had destroyed, and made

systematic organization, and named the site as Myitkyina, since it was located by a

big river.97

The Sana Campaign was launched in 1895-96: 450 troops, in two column,

250 on Myitkyina side, and 200 on Mogaung side, under the command of Major

Atkinson. The Sana Column was to suppress the Sana-Lahtawng race who often

plundered and attacked. The Sana Column started in December 1895, and ended in

March, 1896. 98 Sabaw Village resisted, and 24 villagers in Sana, 4 villages

including Sabaw, Sana Du-wa Singrengwa's Village, were destroyed. Four villages,

including Sabaw, were fined Rs.3000. One Sana village was given one gun per 5

families at Rs. 15 per one family,99 quite heavy fine, them, Kachin villages such as

Wahtu, Alam, Sakrap, and Lahpye were destroyed, while the cattle were killed.

Then Sana Lahtawng Du-was fled to Phon-in-don Hill. 100 The British troops

94Dawson, 1960, 29

95Hertz, 1960, 64

96Woodman, 1962, 373

97(a) Hertz, 1960, 158

(b) La Wang Li, 1995, 7

98Hertz, 1960, 65

99Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 367-8

100La Wang Li, 1995, 6 70

marched to Mahtang in Bhamo in March 1895. On 16 February 1895, according to

Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation of 1895, Mahtang Kachin Hills were governed.

Five districts were divided for administration: these northern district

included. Mandalay, Bhamo, Katha, Ruby mines and Shwebo District. In 1895,

Bhamo District was divided into Bhamo and Myitkyina. Shwebo District was

moved to Central District. So in 1897, there were five districts in Northern

Division: Mandalay, Bhamo, Myintkyina, Katha and Ruby Mines. Their head

quarter was in Mandalay.101 Bhamo, Myitkyina and Katha District were governed

by Bhamo Deputy Commissioner. Bhamo District included Bhamo, Sinkan,

Kaungton and Shwegu Township. In 1896, Sinkan was merged into Bhamo

Township, and in 1897, Kaungton, into Shwegu Township. So Bhamo District

included only Bhamo and Shwegu Township.102 Myitkyina District was excluded

from Bhamo District starting from 1st April 1895. It was divided into Myitkyina,

Mogaung and Kamaing Township.

Myitkyina, Bhamo and Katha District are mostly covered with Kachin

native villages and hilly regions, which were governed by Kachin Hill Tribes

Regulations of 1895, separate from the mainland Myanmar, and which was

enacted on 1st July 1895. 103 The regions were governed by District

Commissioner, 104 3 Deputy Commissioners, regional inspectors, Myo-ôks, and

Taung-ôk, Du-wa105 or Thu-gyi. According to the Regulation, regional inspectors

101 (a) Ma Kyan, "Ma-ha Wun-shin-taw Min-gyi-ôk-chôk-ye (1886-87)" (The

Administration of Chief Commissioner), Rangoon, Sa-pe Loka Press, June 2003, p.73

(Henceforth: Kyan, 2003)

(b) Report on the Administration of Burma, 1895-96, p.3 (Henceforth: RAB, 1895-96)

102Dawson, 1960, 1

103India Government Political Department Notification, No.5, dated 20 June 1895, Burma

Gazetteer, 22 June 1895

104Kachin Tribal Chiefs

105Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation of 1895 71

had full authority. Under him served Taung-ôk, Du-wa and Thu-gyi (Villages

headman). Taung-ôk and Du-wa were the local chiefs of Kachin races to do tax

collection, jurisdictions and administration.

The positions of Taung-ôk and Du-wa were appointed to Du-was whom the

Deputy Commissioners liked. The position of Du-wa was equal to that of Thu

gyi. 106 The Du-wa governed according to Kachin customs and traditions. So

Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation was amended for Myitkyina, Bhamo, Katha District,

Northern Hsenwi, and Mongmit.107

In 1897-98, in Bhamo District, the regional inspector made his seat at

Sinlumkaba to supervise the eastern regions of the Irrawaddy. One Taung-ôk was

appointed under him, to supervise the affairs in hilly regions in the environs of

Sinlumkaba. In Myitkyina District also, a regional inspector was appointed for

governing the east bank of the Irrawaddy, making his seat at Sadon. Moreover,

also in Kamaing, one European Myo-ôk was appointed.108

Though such administration began, in Myitkyina District, there arose

uprisings. In 1897-98, there took place the Tinggaw attack. It originated from a

quarrel between two family races of Du-wa: Tinggaw Du-wa race and Shadan Du

wa race. The conflict was successfully negotiated by Mr.Hertz in 1909.109 Then

Shadan Du-wa subjected himself under the British. He made a complaint, and the

Tinggaw race was to fined.

Then, in 1898, in Katha District, the Kachins led by Kara Du-wa attacked

the British, four policemen and the Thu-gyi were killed.110 So an agent was sent to

106Handbook for C.A.S. Officers in the Chin, Naga and Kachin Areas, p.11

107Report on the North-Eastern Frontier for the year 1897-98, Yangon, Government

Printing,1898, p.12 (Henceforth: RNEF, 1898)

108Hertz, 1960, 66-9

109RNEF, 1898, 2

110Htoisan, 2002, 21 72

make peace with Kara Du-wa, but he was assassinated. The British troops, then,

marched to Kara, and the Du-wa, weak in arms, had to flee.111 All the Kara

villages were destroyed. Again, Kara Du-wa attacked the British camp at Shwegu,

but he fell in the attack.112 In 1898, in Katha District, no European or British

official had been appointed.

Since 1897, Kachin nationals were organized to be conscripted to the

British army. First, the Kachins on the hilly regions on Bhamo District were called.

The British policy was to organize all Kachin Hill Regions and organize police

forces with Kachin races.113 On 23 March 1898, Lt. Col. H.Langtry and Mr. H.E

Hertz, and Bhamo Civil Police organized twenty-five Kachin, and organized 150

policemen. They left Bhamo to organize Azi region. Because the roads were rough,

they reached Sadon on 28 March. They were attacked by 60 Chinese soldiers from

Mungwan on the other side of N’ Shawn. They were also attacked by the Kachin

guerillas. So Lt. Col Langtry and two Kachin soldiers of Bhamo were wounded.

They marched on from Sadon to Sengmai, and again, were attacked by Kachins

and the Chinese. They marched on to Maibat Village, and were attacked by sixty

Kachins. But they managed to reach the Chinese border at Mungwan Villages.

There lived only Kachins, and the British troops took position at Lweje Bum.

There, they combined with 30 soldiers of Lt. French, Mullen.114 The Kachins were

organized by being paid money, as well as certificates of appointment. Kachin Du

was of Kachin Hill Region to the east of Bhamo were paid money and presented

certificates Lt. Col. S.C.E Peile, Government of India, Government of Burma,

I.G.P Burma presented official certificates to the Du-was who took refuge and

who did general services. These Du-was were:

111Woodman, 1968, 375

112 Enriquez, 1933, 4

113RNEF, 1898, 3

114RNEF, 1898, 5 73

(1) Hudung Du-wa Zau Doi (2 Sanad and Certificate, Hudung)

(2) Maru Du-wa Zau Ba (2 Bayingyi Sanad and Certificate, Maru-yinlung)

(3) Sinlumkaba Du-wa Gauri Naw (one gong and Certificate)

(4) Hpalang Kumje Du-wa Lagat Naw (Bayingyi Sanad and Certificate)

(5) Mungloi Du-wa Lazing La Doi (one woolen jacket and Certificate)

(6) Maikung Du-wa Zau Li (one Sanad and Certificate)115

In 1897-98, five appointment orders for Bhamo District were announced. In

Myitkyina District, except a few, many Du-was were given appointment orders.

The Du-wa in jade mines area were also presented certificates. Mr. Scott issued

sixteen certificates in Southern Nantabet, but only one in Northern Nantabet, for

the position of Tinggaw Du-wa. In Northern Nantabet, with an excuse that there

were still rebellions there, certificate were not issued but suspended. 116 Later

Kachin policeman were paid advance salary for two or three months, and

organized to serve in Kachin hill regions.

The British built strong Fortresses and resisted the attacks of the Kachins.

In order to watch the movement of N’mai Hka, at Loingu, a British fortress was

built. Later, it was moved to Seniku. On 10th December 1899, a study tour was

made on hilly regions along upper N’mai Hka by Capt. Taylor, Battalion

Commandant, with escort of 75 Gurkha Military Police, Capt. Hare, Surveyor of

India, Capt R. Holloway, Intelligence Officer, according to the order of H.F. Hertz,

Political Officer. They also studied along Ngaw-chang Valley, and reached Lashi

Village, called Hpare. Then, they got back to Myitkyina on 15 March, 1900.117

Starting from early 1899, the Sino-Myanmar Border had been defined. Then

police stations were built and roads were constructed all along: in 1902, Panghkat

115 The Kachin Military History, the Army Military Pensioners Ex-servicemen's

Association, Bhamo, 1954, pp.5-6 (Henceforth: Kachin Military History, 1954)

116Hertz, 1960, 70

117Dawson, 1960, 29-30 74

and Lweje, and Alawbum; in 1903, Wara Bun; in 1906, Bumpribum respectively.

In 1907, Nanpawng Camp was cancelled, and a police station was opened in

Dunghkung. Since 1897, the tax collection of Kachin Du-was on Nanpaung Road

was cancelled.118 But Mahtang Du-wa raised objection to that cancellation.

In 1900-01, in Myitkyina District, there arose a quarrel between the

Walawbun Gam races of Hukawng Valley and family of Du-wa Kansi La, Chief

of the Jade Mine. Mr. Scott negotiated the case.119 In 1902-03, 1903-04, and 1904-

05, no important matters were done in Myitkyina District. In 1905-06, Po Saw and

Sama Du-wa Gum Sengli were given amnesty from wanted order. In March 1907,

the Kachins of Sama attacked Auche Police station. It was an action of taking

revenge on Shing Rai La, who was killed by the police. From 1901 to 1907 issues

were discussed with Chinese officers every winter. In 1907, in March, and April,

Mr. Hertz and Major White head toured Hukawng Valley with a few escorts.120 In

1907, the British Column to march and occupy the Triangle were attacked at

Machyang, led by Hkauna Naw, N’htung Hka Naw, N’yung La, Maran Naw and

Htingbai La, and one anti-colonist fell.

On 10th November 1910, Mr. Hertz, Deputy Commissioner left Myitkyina,

leading the Hpimaw Column, which consisted of T.F.G. Wilson, Assistant Civil

Officer, 10 British Officers, in Native Officers, 482 rifles of Myitkyina Military

Police Battalion, and 25 Burma Sappers and Miners headed by Major French

Mallen. The tour was made on Ngawchyang, Chipwi and Tamu Valley, and the

regions were organized, and on 30th April, 1911, they returned to Myitkyina. In

that year, a police station was opened at Lawk-hkawng. One hilly region inspector

was appointed to solve judicial cases.121 In 1912, a column was sent to Hpimaw

118Hertz, 1960, 75

119Hertz, 1960, 75

120Hertz, 1960, 76

121Tin Maung Yin, 1969, 54 75

for the second time. Hpimaw was occupied, and a police station was opened

there.122 It marched from Hkamti Long , Putao up to the top of the Mali Hka in

1912.

In 1912, the British troop led by Mr. Leonard and Mr. Porter occupied

Lahaza Village on Sumprabum Road. Then they marched to Pinlun Bum, Wawang

Kawng Villages. Then the Kachins led by Du-wa Hpaw Lam Grawng Li, Sabaw

Ningmawk, Hka Shang Uma Naw, Wawang Aung Naw, and Labang La attacked

them at Wawang Kawng Villages. Four British soldiers were killed and four were

wounded. Two Du-wa leaders fell. In that year, the British troops, with new

reinforcement, marched again, and destroyed Wawang Kawng Village. Later, the

British troop led by the political officer A.C Kinnist, took the revolutionists

deceptively, arrested and imprisoned them at Sumprabum prison. Two

revolutionists did hunger strike, and were taken to Myitkyina, taken action against,

and were put in prison till they died.123

In 1914, the northern regions of Myitkyina were identified as

administrative units. Putao District was organized as an administrative region. Tax

collection and appointing Du-was with certificates were done. The appointments

of Thu-gyi by the Chinese were cancelled. So the Putao incharge issued twenty

four certificates, and Kaunglu incharge issued 231 certificates. Mr. Barmard and

Mr. Leonard cancelled the former certificates. So it was in 1914 that the northern

part of Upper Myanmar had already been organized. 124 Putao Region was

completely occupied, and Fort Hertz was strongly built, and the revolutionists

were suppressed.125

122Htoisan, 2002, 68-70

123Tin Maung Yin, 1969, 54-5

124Htoisan, 2002, 72

125Htoisan, 2002, 43 76

In 1914, the boundary was made with the Bamars and without Kachin Du

was, and this had caused a complaint and the Du-was of Hukawng and Kamaing

started the revolution once again.126 That revolution spread over Myitkyina, Putao

and up to the Triangle Area. So the British decided to suppress the Hukawng Du

wa and extend the administrative domain.127 The British troops were attacked from

Lamai Hill. But the Kachins were weaker in arms, and Shadan Gam, son of Sama

Du-wa, fell and Shadan Tawng was captured and imprisoned to life. Sama Du-wa

Gum Seng Li died on refuge on the other bank of the Tawngie.128

In December 1914, Lahtawng Ningru Dawa attacked the British, who were

Kachin Du-was of Hukawng Region. So the troops of Mr. Barnard and Major

Scott were attacked at Wuloi Bai Kadawng, two miles from the region of Maru

Warawng Du-wa. The Kachins were assisted by Auhkye Yaw, Du-wa Shabaw

Zau Htaw, Du-wa Hpaga Tu and Maru Warawng Du-wa’s wife Sama Htu Raw.

The British had losses and had to retreat. Then N’zang Wa was sent by the district

incharge of Myitkyina to the region of Ningru, but he was killed. So the British

sent Gurhka troops to occupy the region of Ningru. They were attacked at Kalat

N’da, weak in arms, Du-wa Ningru Sinwa Gam fell, and Shabaw Zaw Htaw got

wounded. The Kachins had to retreat. Then, Mahpaw Bum, Danai Bum and

Mahkye Kawng Villages were destroyed and spoiled the provisions. Then, some

Du-was fled to Assam. Ningru Du-wa leaders were arrested, but the Prison

incharge Lawa Sharoi apologized the British officers, who let the Ningru Du-was

free.129 Because of the attacks of Sama Du-wa and Ningru Du-wa, the local people

got into trouble.

126Htoisan, 2002, 43

127Tin Maung Yin, 1969, 55

128Htoisan, 2002, 43

129Htoisan, 2002, 46-8 77

In 1915, the column led by a British general marched to Walaw Bum

Village, arrested the Du-wa and destroyed the village 122 villages taken as

captives were set free, but taken to Kamaing along with the column.130 In 1916-18,

rebellions arose all over Kachin places, so Hukawng Region was left as it was,

since the rebellions were being suppressed.

In 1914, the World War I broke out, 1589 policemen of Bhamo Police

Station comprising 349 Kachin policemen, were sent to India. They fought at

North-west frontiers on the British side. Kachin police consisted of 60 in 1/10th

Gurkha Rifles; and 289 in 85th Burma Rifles Corp. In 1917, one Kachin troop was

sent to Mesopotamia, and in 1918, 1/70th Burma Rifles, to the Europe battle

field.131 So efforts were made for conscription. The Kachin troop in Mesopotamia

was the main force for organize 3/20 Kachin Rifles Battalion;132 one Kachin troop

in 1909; one in 1914; and one in 1918 total, in Bhamo.133 From 1914 to 1918, with

Sinlumkaba as the focal point, the British did great success in conscription in

Bhamo.

In 1920, 3/20 Kachin Rifles Battalion was organized. In 1921, it served in

Moplah Operation.134 Then, in Pyin Oo Lwin, 1st, 2nd and 3rd. Burma Rifles headed

by Major M.C. Enrique were re-organized. The Kachin soldiers of Bhamo Military

Police were sent to Myitkyina and Lashio. At the same time, the revolutionists

were suppressed, especially in Hukawng and the Triangle Region. In 1914, the

forces of Kamaing patrolled Hukawng, and it was in 1920 that the whole

130Tin Maung Yin, 1969, 55

131Kachin Military History, 1954, 19-4

132Enriquez, 1933, 33

133Kachin Military History, 1954, 24

134Kachin Military History, 1954, 24 78

Hukawng was occupied. Even before that, the British officers had already defined

the administrative boundaries, which were as follows in the next page.

Table-I

The Kachin and related races served the British military service

up to July 1930

Name of District Name of Subdivision Name of Headquarters

1. Kamaing Kamaing

2. Mogaung Mogaung

Myitkyina 3. Myitkyina Myitkyina

4. Sama Fort Morton

5. Sadon Fort Herison

6. Htawgaw Htawgaw

Sources: Series No. 1/1, B, Acc. No. 7495, NAD

Provincial branches were also defined as the hilly regions. Hilly Region

Inspectors and officers were also appointed to govern the hilly regions.135

Since 1921, the British did more conscription of soldiers, in Myitkyina as a

base in Myitkyina provinces, with branches in Htawgaw, Sadon, Sama, Watan Gyi,

Mara, Sinbo, and Mogaung; in Bhamo Province, Alaw Bum, Sinlumkaba,

Namhkam, Shwegu and Kyautha-lon. The region of Kachin, Maru and Palaung

between Namhkam and Kut-hkai in northern Shan State was called Sinli Region.

Recruitment of soldiers was a success due to the aid of Nam Hkyek Du-wa. 136 So

in 1925, half of Burma Rifles Corp had Kachins and races.137 Later, conscription

was done in the Triangle Area and Putao: Lisu, Nung, Tangsar national races. In

1930, over 200 soldiers were conscripted, but not in Hka Hku Kachins.138 So the

135Political Department Notes, Re-arrangement of the subdivisions in the Myitkyina

District, Letter No.412-6, p.31, dated the 18th September 1918, Series No.1/1B, Acc.No.74-94,

Nation Achives Department

136Euriquez, 1933, 10, 14

137Euriquez, 1933, 33

138Euriquez, 1933, 11 79

conscription in the Triangle and Hukawng Area was not a success, because the

national races did not want to serve the British and because the British

administration was not a success.

The Kachin and related races served the British military service as follows

(up to July 1930).139

Table-II

Serving in July, 1930

Kachins

Total

Putao Area - 2 5 179 38 - - - 3 227

Traingle and Sum

prabum

- 26 1 - - 4 - - - 31

Htawgaw-Hpimaw - - - - 15 28 41 - - 84

Sadon 3 3 1 2 15 - 24

Sama 24 - - - 10 - - 2 - 36

Myitkyina, Sana 8 8 - 3 4 - - 26

Mogaung - 3 - - 2 - - - - 3

Gauri Hills 96 - - - 22 2 - - - 100

Sinlumkaba 212 - - - 2 4 14 28 - 280

Bhamo 25 - - - - 2 2 2 - 33

Moegmit, Moegok 25 - - - 7 3 1 - - 29

Kuthtai 217 - - - - 40 14 36 - 314

Hsipaw, Lashio 20 - - - - 8 8 11 - 47

Kamaing, Hukawng - 1 - - - - - - - 1

Sinbo 1 - - - - - - - - 1

Shwegu, Katha 3 - - - - - - - - 3

Total 634 40 6 179 102 95 86 94 3 1239

Sources: Enriquez, 1933, 93

139Euriquez, 1933, 93

Jinghpaw and Gauri

Hka Hku

Dulaug

Rawang

Lisu

Laungwaw

Lashi

Atsi

Raw 80

Since 1922, every year, columns were sent to Hukawng in order to do

emancipation of slavery. The Slavery System Investigation Committee meetings

were held by British Officials who came to Hukawng Region. There were still

many slaves there. So in September 1924, Kawlu Ma Naung, Taung-ôk of

Kamaing Township, was sent with an envoy with the excuse of making

preparations for the Manau Celebration to Maingkwan, the central village of

Hukawng Region. Then, in March 1925, Mr. Barnard and the Taung-ôk Kawlu Ma

Nawng made lists of slaves along Hukawng Valley.140 Sir Hercourt Butlar came

on a tour and abolished the slavery system.141 This had destroyed the strength of

Kachin Du-was. It was from Hukawng Region that the revolution was mostly led

by the Du-was of the Region. So at the cost of much money, the slaves were set

free at Hukawng.

In 1926, the British officers Mr. Barnard, Deputy Commissioner, Mr.

Porter and Mr. T.P Dewar and one Taung-ôk launched a campaign to Hukawng,

and did emancipation of the slaves. Over Rs. four lakhs were paid to the slave

owners. Then, Battalion five and one Taung-ôk watched the departure of slaves

from Maingkwan, 142 who left and settled mostly in Poilaw and Sanka Zup

regions.143 Those villages were called Poi Low Kahtawng. Poi Law Villages had

already existed before the British occupation. So there were many who had

already been emancipated before the British occupation.

In 1928, Mr. Robert and troops marched to Putao-Triangle Area in Uma

Column, while the column led by Mr. Laymet marched to Mali and the Jahti

Valley, and the column led by Mr. Bottom marched to Htara and N’mai Hka

Valley, in order to organize the Triangle Area. 70 Kachins of Mathum-Mairawng

140 Ma Nawng, 1944, p.54

141Enriquez, 1933, 13

142Ma Nawng, 1944, 56-7

143Enriquez, 1933, 13 81

attacked, and 3 British, including one officer, were killed, and 3 got wounded. On

child from the side of the revolutionists was killed while the revolutionists were

captured. They were taken to Myitkyina, and imprisoned: 6 to 10 years

imprisonment; some, to life sentence.144 So Kachin revolutionist leaders died in

prison. The Mahtum Battle of the Triangle Area was the last battle that fought

against the British. Since 1931, in Hukawng and Triangle Area, the Kachin Hill

Tribes Regulation came into effect, thus completing the British extension of

administration in Kachin Hill Region.

From 1928 to 1934, under the supervision of Mr. A.W. Porter, columns

were sent to Hukawng every year on patrol. In 1937, the Manau Festival was held

in Maingkwan in order to pacify the rancor. Also since 1934, taxes were collected

in Hukawng Region: Rs.2 per one Kachin family; Rs.4 per one Shan family. No

objection was raised on taxation.145 Measures were taken to do administration on

the Triangle Area, more in 1934-35. 146 Thus, the British administration got

stronger in Kachin Region. It was only in 1935 that the administration was

completed as a success.

In 1935-36, Mr. JW Leadhan collected taxes in Hukawng. Again, in 1936,

the Deputy Commissioner of Myitkyina came to Maingkwan, and held the Lamu

Ga Jahkut Manau Festival.147 In May 1936, one Kachin school was opened at

Maingkwan by the British government, and was supported by Kachin and Shan

chiefs. 148 Thus, the British administrative power over the whole Kachin Hill

144Htoisan, 2002, 73, 76

145Ma Nawng, 1944, 57

146Proposals for the Administration of the Hukawng Valley and Triangle, Series No.1/1B,

Acc.No.7803, National Achives Department

147Celebration of the Settlement of the Valley

148Ma Nawng, 1944, 57 82

regions had been established. Since 1936, the whole Kachin regions fell under the

British.

To sum up, no sooner had the British annexed Upper Myanmar then they

occupied Bhamo, the strategic centre of Uppermost Myanmar. They tried to

occupy Mogaung via Bhamo. They were eager to do so as quickly as possible

because they wanted to draw out those regions which had been under the influence

of China. It was when they tried to occupy Bhamo and Mogaung that they were

confronted with the resistance of the Kachins for the first time. Though the British

wanted to solve the conflict politically, the local national patriots took to arms and

fought them back. Such resistance spread since early 1886. The British tried to

suppress by force columns were sent every winter. But they usually met the

resistance of the Kachins. Since early 1886 till 1888, there took place the most

fierce battles. So Mogaung was successfully occupied only in 1888. The jade

mines were organized since 1888 into the British occupation via the Du-was of the

mines. Moreover, the battles against the Shan, the Kachin and the Bamar in 1888

were the most fierce and in maximum numbers. A fortress was built in Bhamo, a

stronghold was made in Mogaung, and the environs were occupied. The locals,

because they were weaker in arms fells in their resistance. In 1888-89, the Kachin

races in the environs of Mogaung, namely Lahpai, Azi, Lahtawng and Maran,

were suppressed. The relatives were arrested and the villages were destroyed.

Losses on both sides took place. So the British sought for political means. But till

1890-91, the administration over Kachin hill had not been effective. Suppressing

the revolutionists meant a kind of punishment. So the British government issued

certificates and guns to the Du-was and assigned them the duties of tax collection,

jurisdiction and administration. In order to implement such policies, since 1891-92,

columns were sent. In winter of 1891-92, four columns were sent. Fortresses were

built in China borderline. In 1892, there broke out a fierce battle in Sadon.

Fortresses were built in Sadon and Sama. Again, in 1892-93, the British force 83

columns were sent. In 1894-95, the Kachin Hill regions in Bhamo were placed

under the British administration. Similarly, in Mogaung regions, the British

administration began to settle down. In 1895, new Myitkyina District was founded.

The Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation of 1895 was enacted, thus establishing the

British administration over the Kachin Hill Regions. So in 1897, the suppressions

of the Kachins had almost been completed.

In that year, the Sinlumkaba was firstly opened as the Kachin Hill Region

Administration Headquarter, where one Taung-ôk was appointed. Since 1897,

Kachins were organized to serve the British Military Police. But Hukawng and the

Triangle Area between the N'maikha and the Malikha were not yet occupied. In

1914, Putao was occupied, and a fortress, Fort Hertz was strongly built. It was in

1920 that Hukawng was placed under the British administration. Since 1922,

9 Kachin Hill Tracts Administration boundaries were defined, and the British

administration over the Kachins began. It was only in 1930, that the triangle area

was occupied. So the administration system and boundary over Hukawng and the

Triangle region were defined, and the administration began in 1934-35. CHAPTER THREE

JURISDICTION AND TAXATION

ith the growth of a national race, there

also appeared the

rules to abide by

in accordance with the culture of that race. When

those shared rules had

been exercised for ages, the rules became established as the laws of that race.

Similarly, there existed many customs and traditions followed by the Kachins. But

these customs and traditions had not been recorded like the Dhamma-that treatises,

but were passed on orally from one generation to another. As those customs and

traditions have been preserved and put into practice, they came to exist as the laws,

customs and traditions related to the Kachins.

According to the tradition of the Kachins, there had existed no judge in

jurisdiction, nor a lawyer as a special duty or position. The disputes were settled,

not by the power, but through arbitration. Among the civil lawsuits was included

the debt or loan and the dispute was decided upon through the representatives of

the disputants on both sides. So, according to the tradition of the Kachins, the

jurisdiction group of a village group or township was just one of arbitration, and it

did not comprise judges.1 Such group comprised of Du, Salang, Myitsu ni.2 This

group gathered and solved the issues or cases. It was also called Salang Hpawng.3

The Kachins assumed that an act committed in relation to personal affairs

or a civil lawsuit was called Hka.4 For the Hka, due Hpagas5 must be paid back.

1 Leach, 1964, 184

2 Chief, Wise Men

3 Salang Council

4 Debt

5 Wealth objects

W 85

Depending on the light or severe case, the Hpaga would be vary. That Hpaga must

be paid either in trading or as fine in the court by the Kachins.6 In trading, though

any property or goods can be defined as fine, in deciding the disputes, the fine

must be paid according to the tradition. The kinds of goods for Hpaga, defined

according to the Kachin tradition since in the ancient times, are: buffalo, gong,

silver rods, servant, three-stand over, nether garment, blanket, shawl, iron cauldron,

sword, lance, woolen jacket, silver pipe, opium, China silk, and necklace.7 Later,

the goods included gun, silk wares and silver coins. In Kachin society the sword

and lace are common objects, and the sword and lance submitted over a dispute

according to the law are not genuine weapons, sometimes. In some cases, the list

of fine to be paid is very long. Especially, if a Du-wa has been hurt and died, the

kind of Hpaga had a list of fines numbering over 100. In paying the fine of Hpaga,

the fine was paid as follows: 33 Hpaga for burial cost; 39 Hpaga as compensation

for the hurt parts of the body; and 28 Hpagas of fined for loss of life.8

According to the Kachin tradition, when a case took place, a complainant

made a complaint orally to the Agyi-wa, the local chief, in the region where the

Gumlau administration system had been prospering. In the region where the

Gumsa administration system is practiced, a complaint is made via the

Hkringmang Chief, the consultant of the governing chief. When a case is

submitted, some traditional liquor or a present or some cash was paid, depending

on the serious or light case, for opening a case file. The chiefs made an enquiry

concerning the case, and made a date for the interrogation of the case. The

defendant has a right to invite the Kasas.9 Who would involve himself or herself

in the case to the site of jurisdiction. It is observed that the case was not settled by

6 Leach, 1964, 154

7 Ma Naung, 1944, 12

8 Ma Nawng, 1944, 72, 74

9 Agent 86

the village chief who accepted the case or Du-wa, or Salang-wa alone. 10 A

consultation was made with the Myitsu, who are well versed in customs and

traditions, and a judgment was made as a group decision. The Kasas whom the

defendant and the complainant invited also had a chance to join the judicial board.

Before the decree is made, the judicial board made interrogations and

enquiries about the cause of the case, and had the disputants, pledge whether they

would accept the decision of the board. That pledge is called Mungga Madi, and

depending on the light or serious cases or a Hpaga, the disputants had to issue

some cash to the judicial board.11 When the decree is made, and if one of the

disputants refused to accept it, he or she is returned the Hpaga or cash when he or

she had paid in the process of Mungga Madi.

In dealing with the case, when either the board which accepted the case or

the authority who knew the customs and traditions and is requested to act as the

judge shoots questions over the case, and clears the things up. Then, giving or

citing examples and traditional tales, a comparison is made between the present

case and the example.12 Then, studying the responses of the disputants, the board

or the Judge made a decree on the charge of the case and got an agreement.

Moreover, when a minor lawsuit broke out arbitrations are made and the

case is settled by having the disputants came to agreement. Sometimes, a case is

made clear by having the disputants swear words. Sometimes, the tradition has it

that the guilty one is confined in fetters, or handcuffs. So Leach comments, on the

jurisdiction according to the Kachin customs thus:

Kachin have no native concept of a judge. The native Kachin idea is that

disputes are settled by arbitration rather than arbitrary judgment. A Law

10Kachin Dha-le Phyat-htone (Kachin Customary Law), Kachin State culture series (1)

Kachin State Cultural Section, Department of Culture, Yangon, Printing and Stationery

Cooperation, 1973, p.1 (Henceforth: Kachin Dha-le Phyat-htone, 1973)

11Kachin, Dha-le Phyat-htone, 1973, 2

12Kachin Dha-le Phyat-htone,1973, 2 87

suit involves a debt (hka) and the settlement of the debt is a matter for

the agents (kasa) of the disputing parties. The judicial body of a village

cluster or domain is thus a body of arbitrators rather than a bench of

magistrates; its function is to give a ruling as to what would be a fit and

proper settlement of the issue in dispute13

It is observed that since in the olden times in jurisdiction of Kachin, a case

is judged by personal procedures and criminal procedures. The judges followed

these procedures as faithfully as possible, and mostly, the arbitration is put into

practice for settling the cases. The cases related to the personal procedures are

matrimonial cases, engagement, divorce, adoption of child, case of fatherless child,

and inheritance. The criminal cases are murder, pregnancy, hurt or assault, dacoit,

rape, slander, abusive language, breaching of promise, lie, saying words of curse,

damaging other person's property or welfare, abuse of weight and measurement,

health, blasphemy, cases related to hunting.14

The cases which had to be solved step by step are case of fatherless child,

and murder, and high amount of Hpaga has to be paid in fine. In the former case,

the fine must first go to the family of the victimized woman. Four types of fine or

compensation are as follows:

(1) 50 kinds of Hpaga for the victimized woman belonging to the ancestry

of the chief.

(2) 10 kinds of Hpaga for the victimized woman belonging to the ordinary

class.

(3) 5 kinds of Hpaga for the victimized woman belonging to the class of

servant

(4) 3 kind of Hpaga among the servants

13Leach, 1964, 184

14Kachin Dha-lePhyat-htone, 1973, 22, 28 88

This act of compensation is called Mayu Sumrai Hka; the kind of

compensation, Sumrai Hka Hpaga. 15 The details of the compensation are as

follows:

(a) Among the members of the same ordinary class:

(1) A viss of silver

(2) One gun

(3) Ten-span gong

(4) One Pa-so

(5) One silk Chinese coat

(6) On string of 100 beads

(7) Two buffaloes

(8) One dah to cut of the feud

(b) For a free born man to a slave woman (5) Hpaga

(1) One viss of silver

(2) One eight-span gong

(3) One Pa-so

(4) One cow or buffalo

(5) One dah to cut off the feud

(c) For a slave man to a slave woman, 3 Hpaga with an additional 2 Hpaga for

the woman

(1) Fifty rupees in money or silver

(2) One Pa-so

(3) One eight - span gong

(4) One Pa-so for cleaning the woman’s face

(5) One dah to cut off the feud.16

15Ma Nawng, 1944, 66

16Ma Nawng, 1944, 67, 68 89

The list shows the customs followed in Hukawng Valley Region, Bhamo

Region and Myitkyina Region by all Kachins. Only one or two kinds of Hpaga

vary.

Similarly, the murder is classified, and the fine is to be paid after being

judged: (1) death in a fight or quarrel (2) accidental death (3) death in child labour.

It is observed that such a fine depends on different classes. When a member of Du

wa suffers from death, 100 kinds of Hpaga are to be paid:

(a) For the burial Ceremonies - 33 Hpagas

(b) For the body of the deceased - 39 Hpagas

(c) For Compensation for the loss of life - 28 Hpagas 17

The death of an ordinary man must be paid in 50 kinds of Hpaga; that of a

servant, in 25 kinds18

Thus, the chief headed by the relatives of the Du-wa or members of the

relatives of that chief ruling in a Kachin Region is a board of judges which judged

the disputes or cases. Du-wa acted as a participant or member in judicial affairs,

and did not have the role authority for decision. The cases of ordinary people were

decided by Salang, the group of leaders in the line of ancestry. A dispute between

Salangs was decided by another Salang and the chief. A dispute between Du-wa

was decided only after the course of many years. Then, the case was settled by the

Du-wa of superior ancestry. So, in summing up, the Du-wa, were not the judges in

judicial affairs, but they had the authority for law and order in the local region.

They played only a minor role in judging cases.

After the British had occupied Upper Myanmar, the Chief Commissioner

ruled the whole Myanmar from January, 1886 to 30 April, 1897.19 He had no

authority of law-making, but he had to undertake duties of peace and law,

jurisdiction and revenue collection all by himself. So the Chief Commissioner had

17(a)Ma Nawng, 1944, 72

(b)Kachin Dha-le Phyat-Htone, 1973, 10, 13

18Ma Nawng, 1944, 70

19Kyan, 2003, 1 90

full authority of administration as the Government of Myanmar. Moreover, Kyai

tong, Karen Region, which were under the British Government, and Shan State,

Chin and Kachin Hill Region, which were left out under the direct administration,

the authority of politics was also exercised.20 The British government considered

that the security, criminal jurisdiction and revenue collection were the only duties

of the government, and followed the policy of efficiency and reduction of

expenses. Thus, it was observed that the authority of administration and that of

criminal jurisdiction were not separated.

After Bhamo had been occupied, the British made a confrontation with the

Kachins, and encountered the counter attacks of the Kachin. So the British tried to

subject all the Kachin Hill tribes by crushing them by force and punishment. So

from 1886 to 1893, when the Kachin hills were under the attack and occupied,

only the military administration was made. Though the positions of the town

Governor, Deputy Commissioner, Sub-divisional Commissioner, Regional

Assistant officer and the Sit-kès were appointed, the army was assigned the full

authority to suppress the resistance. In the positions of the defying Du-wa who did

not agree to serve the British, other Du-wa or the Du-wa who subjected

themselves to the British were appointed. Then, the Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation

of 1895 was enacted for the Kachin Hill region, and according to the Regulation,

the Kachins of the Kachin Hill were placed under the administration.21 The whole

Kachin Hill region had not yet been occupied. The British had to face many

resistances of the local Kachin Du-wa. So the Rural Area Regulation had focused

more on the subjecting of the area under the British rule than the rural

administration. But in the Kachin Hill regions, in jurisdiction, especially in

judging the civil law cases, the Du-wa appointed by the British were assigned the

authority of jurisdiction with reference to the Kachin customs and tradition. So the

judicial administration of Kachin Hill region during the British rule was different

from that of the plains land.

20Kyan, 2003, 79

21Dawson, 1960, 29 91

Based on the Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation of 1895, the civil lawsuits and

the criminal lawsuits were tried. In Kachin Hill Region, the judicial duties and

authorities of the administrative officers were referred to in section 8 to 28 of the

Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation of 1895, Regulation chapter 4.22 With reference to

the Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation of 1895, Section 3, Item 2, on 30 June, 1898,

the Vice Governor of Myanmar enacted some sections of the Code and Criminal

Procedure of 1898 to come into effect in Kachin Hill region.23 In Myanmar, the

Indian Legislation and Criminal Procedure24 enacted on 5 March, 1898 was put

into practice with reference to that Act and the Regulation, three offices of

hierarchical order were established: the Township Judges Court, Subdivisional

Judges Court, and the District Judges court. The administrative officers who

carried out their duties in Kachin Hill Tracts had the authority of jurisdiction over

the region in accordance with the Kacchin Hill Tribes Regulation.

In Kachin Hill Region, under the British officers, the subdivisional officer,

Taung-ôk, the Kachin Du-was and Agyi-was had the authority of jurisdiction. But

the Du-was, Taung-ôk, and the subdivisional officers had the authority to judge

cases that took place among the Kachins, and not the cases among the non

Kachins. The Du-wa and Agyiwa had the authority of jurisdiction over the cases,

except the cases of crime or crime attempt under section 302-308 of the Indian

Criminal Law, section 341-348, 363-377, 390-402, 438-440.25 The cases under

those sections were criminal cases. If any criminal case occurred, a report must be

made either to the government officer or the police station.26 Though the Du-was

22The Kachin Hills Tribes Regulation of 1895, Articles 4

23Burma Gazette, Government Political Department Notification, No.14, dated 30th June,

9th July, 1898, Part.I, p. 322

24Burma Gazettee, Indian Government Legislative Department Act IV, of 1895, 9th March

1898, Part.III, p.11, 12

25The Kachin Hills Manual, as corrected up to 3rd January 1948, Rangoon, Government

Printing, Burma, 1959, p.120(Henceforth: Kachin Hill Manual, 1959)

26Kachin Hills Manual, 1959, 128 92

had the authority to fine the guilty person in cash or in property, they had no

authority to sentence to imprisonment. If the guilty one was from beyond the local

territory, the local Du-wa did not made a decree himself, but had to submitted the

case to the subdivisional officer or district officer.

The position of district officer similar to the position of government

appointed headman was appointed in Myitkyina, Moegaung, Kamaing, Lonhton,

Waing-maw and Sinbo region. They had the authority to exercise in accordance

with the Rural Area Act, Section 6,27 and fine could be made up to ks.20.28 The

township courts had the authority to judge a case and fine up to ks.5. The

subdivisional court had the authority to fine up to ks.3000.29 The subdivisional

court judges the criminal cases in accordance with the Indian Criminal Law, the

Criminal Act of 1898, and the customs of the Kachins. The criminal cases

transferred from the Session Court of the subdivissional Officer were also judged.

But if the defendant or the complainant was from beyond the local administrative

region, the subdivisional court had no authority, but had to submit the case to the

subdivisional officer court.

The civil officers ruling in Kachin Hill Region had some of the authority of

the Deputy Commissioner as mentioned in the Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation.30

They had the authority to make sentencing of imprisonment. If the defendant was

a Kachin Hill tribesman and committed a crime in the Hill tribesman and

committed a crime in the hill region, such a case was judged according to the

Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation, and if the defendant was not a Kachin Hill

tribesman, the cases was judged according to the mainland courts.

While the administrative officer tour, he had to judge the crimes of the non

hill tribes people. If he had no authority, the case was interrogated, and reported to

27Villages Act, Section 6

28 Hertz, 1960, 150

29Hertz, 1960, 151

30Kachin Hill Manual, 1959, 128 93

the office of the Deputy Commissioner. 31 In Kachin Hill Region, the deputy

commissioners were not only the Session Judge as well as the Criminal Judge. He

judged any case that could not be judged by the subordinate courts, making a seat

at the office of the Deputy Commissioner.32 So the Deputy Commissioner had the

full authority of the criminal jurisdiction: fining any guilty person at any national

race living in any village group, claiming for the value of the damage or lost

property, imprisonment or sending into exile. In such matters as group fights to

that could threaten the peace of the locality or an act that would cause damage or

grievance to person or property, a suitable order or an order fit to the custom of the

Kachins could be issued.

In 1895, the Chief Commissioner enacted the Regulation, for the assistant

Deputy Commissioners and the Deputy Commissioners,33 for the jurisdiction of

Kachin Hill Region. Those regulations dictated that generally, if it was assumed

that a crime had broken out, the Deputy Commissioner or Assistant Deputy

Commissioner had to make a visit on the crime spot for investigation. If it was

assumed that the person who had committed a crime be fined, the estimate value

of the villager's property was defined. The assistant Deputy Commissioner had to

report to the Deputy Commissioner.34 The Deputy Commissioner judged whether

fine be made or not and issued an order. The Deputy Commissioner described the

causes, action of crime, arrest of any suspicious member of the family or relatives

concerned, and confinement, and the report was submitted to the Chief

Commissioner. According to Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation of 1895, when the

Deputy Commissioner issued an order to move a village, he had to put on record

31Kachin Hill Maual, 1959, 129

32 Hertz, 1960, 151

33Handbook for C.A.S. Officers in the Chin, Naga and Kachin areas, Simla, Government

of India Press, 1945, 11( Henceforth: Handbook for C.A.S. Officers, 1945)

34Hertz, 1960, 150 94

the causes for issuing such an order and the contents of the order, and the amount

of fine, if the fine was included. If was observed that the case files were submitted

to the Divisional Commissioner.

The Deputy Commissioner, Subdivisional Commissioner, town governor,

headman, Du-wa, and Taung-ôk acted not only as the civil law judges but also the

criminal judge. There existed no civil law concerning the Kachin Hill region, but

the civil law suits were reported according to the Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation.

Like in the criminal jurisdiction, in the civil law jurisdictions, below the office of

the Deputy Commissioner, depending on the cases, light or server, the office of the

town governor, headman, Taung-ôk, and the Du-was. The Subdivisional

Commissioner, and assistant Deputy Commissioner had the authority of civil

jurisdiction with the exercise of the authority of the Deputy Commissioner.35 They

had the authority of the judging the case of any race in the hilly region, and only

the cases of the ethnic group beyond their administrative region were submitted to

the deputy commissioner. So those officers toured in the administrative region,

and settled any case of debt unsettled in villages.

The government appointed headman, and the Kachin chief, who were

Du-was and Taung-ôk, had the same authority. But in civil law jurisdiction, the

Du-wa and the Taung-ôk, being the chief of the village or race, had the authority

of judging according to customs. 36 Regarding the Taung-ôk system and the

collection of tribute the Deputy Commissioner, Bhamo, wrote as follows:

The Taung-ôk system is of course only on a trial at present. It will be

have to be moulded, revised and altered a circumstances indicate. Next

open season it is hoped that Mr.Rae will be able to go round with the

Taung-ôk, count the houses in each villages, and make a complete list of

both houses and guns, tract by tract, and it will then, I hope, be possible

35The Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation, Article 11

36The Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation, Article 12 95

to fix an assessment based an the Rs.2-8-0 a house system which might

perhaps be fix for five years for each village, and the Du-was will them

be able to come and pay their amounts in, or the Taung-ôk to go and

collect them without trouble or dispute. It may also be possible to give

the Taung-ôks power to try small feud cases as time goes on and as their

influence in creases and the Kachins -------------

The expense of this arrangement will be but small and will be save much

in Military Police: the Du-wa and Selangs an them assess it after the

manner of tha-tha-me-da. At present from I am certain there is a large

loss of revenue as many large villages are not paying upon more than of

their houses37

On 1 August, 1895, concerning the civil law jurisdiction, the Chief

Commissioner, referring to Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation, Section 11, Item 1 of

1895, enacted the Procedural Regulation for making an accusable and submitting a

civil law suit for the court for interrogation.38 In this enactment, the Procedural

Regulation for the disputants of the Kachin Hill Tribes and the Procedural

Regulation for the non-Kachin Hill Tribe disputants were distinguished.

The civil lawsuits that usually occurred in Kachin Hill region were cases of

debt and inheritance, so the number of civil law cases was very few. The cases

were related to the criminal crimes. In such civil lawsuits as debt, inheritance and

hurt or bloodshed, the kind of punishment could be made as in a crime: the guity

person was to make a pledge that he or she would behave himself or herself well

during the next three years. If he or she broke the pledge, the Deputy

Commissioner court could sentence him to three years' imprisonment, and if

necessary, six years' imprisonment.39 Some cases that occurred in Kachin Hill

37 RNEF, 1898, 24, 25

38Burma Gazettee, Political Department notification, No.14, Rangoon, dated 1st August

1895

39Naw Angeline, “Kachin-taung-tan-detha-ôk-chôk-ye (1885-1923)” (Administration of

Kachin Hill Tract (1885-1923), M.A, Thesis, History Department, University of Yangon, 1978,

p.80 (Henceforth: Naw Angeline, 1978) 96

region were difficult to be distinguished as civil case or criminal case according to

Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation.

In Bhamo District, the only violent crimes reported during the year were

two murders, the result of hasty blows given during quarrels. The accused have

not have arrested in either case. In Myitkyina District, the following offences

classed as violent crimes under the Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation, were reported

between 1st June 1897 and 31st May 1898:

Table- III

Reported Crimes between 1st June 1897 and 31st May 1898

No. Date of a current Place Nature of Crime

1. 29th May 1897 Akye Murder of eight Kachins

2. May 1897 Laban Murder and abduction

3. August 1897 Lakra Homicide

4. 5th August 1897 Lajara Murder

5. 10th December 1897 Kaoshao Murderd, dacoity and incendiaries

6. 3rd February 1898 Mamon Murder

7. 9th February 1898 Tingaw Murderd, dacoity and incendiaries

8. 29th March 1898 Tingrin Dacoity

9. 1st April 1898 Seikthama-aik Dacoity

10. 2nd April 1898 Hweka Murder

11 14th April 1898 Manwe Murder

12. 12th April 1898 Poktaw Murder and abduction

13. 30th April 1898 Tingaw Incendiaries, abduction and murder

14. 22nd May 1898 N’bukawng Homicide

15. 29th May 1898 Loingu Abductions

sources: RNEF, 1898, 13

So in 1902, the Myitkyina Deputy Commissioner requested the Mandalay

Divisional Commissioner to categorize the cases included in that regulation as

either civil case or criminal case. Mandalay Divisional Commissioner continued to

report to the British Government. 40 Mostly the Deputy Commissioner court

40 Kachin Hill Manual, Rangoon, Superintendent Government Printing, 1906, 34

(Henceforth: Kachin Hill Manual, 1906) 97

defined the value of civil lawsuits of Kachin Hill Region. The value of the civil

lawsuits to be judged by the Deputy Commissioner Court was not specified.

Table- IV

1901-21 Year Bhamo and Myitkyina Districts of Criminal Cases

District Subdivisional Judge Towns Judge

No. Years

Criminals Value Rs. Criminals Value Rs. Criminals Value Rs.

1. 1901 5 1758 26 426 279 70

2. 1902 - - 106 138 167 74

3. 1903 1 250 162 85 109 84

4. 1904 - - 211 301 68 38

5. 1905

4 9487 4 1023 318 76

6. 1906

1 165 8 867 289 62

7. 1907

2 3984 13 1081 272 81

8. 1908

5 6535 17 813 292 74

9. 1909

3 3339 15 846 242 84

10. 1910

3 2197 18 1040 260 97

11. 1911

6 17440 46 1717 5400 168

12. 1912

6 8670 32 2022 809 194

13. 1913

6 8940 33 1991 640 192

14. 1914

5 13304 48 1956 650 184

15. 1915

2 3697 27 2030 405 182

16. 1916

4 - 37 1883 625 189

17. 1917

6 9091 36 1826 523 165

18. 1918

5 6680 20 1830 423 187

19. 1919

3 7309 36 2111 440 224

20. 1920

- - 39 1110 530 197

21. 1921

4 7500 63 1599 519 181

Sources: Bhamo Gazetteer, 1913, 25, 27, 28, 29

Myitkyina Gazetteer, 1925, 29, 31 98

Before the British annexation, in Kachin Hill region, the revenues were

collected mostly by the headman and the Kachin chiefs. The Kachin Du-was

collected the revenues in their region or village. Basically, only the crops, the

agricultural products, were collected as revenue. In the Myanmar Kings' reign,

especially in Mohnyin, Mogaung and Indawgyi surrounding areas, the Kachin Du

was used to supply the regional products or forestry products to the Myanmar

officers as revenues, or presents. On recognition of their kindness, the Myanmar

officers also returned silk wares and another garments. As described in the report

of Magwe Wun-dauk on Upper Myanmar in the surrounding areas of Bhamo and

Mogaung, there lived the Kachin chiefs: in the surrounding area of Mogaung, 3

senior Kachin Du-was, and 28 junior Du-was. Below them, there were 40 to 50

dwelling houses, and below the junior Du-was, 10 to 20 dwelling houses. The

Kachin Du-was were from Mogaung, Kamaing, Amber mine region, and jade

mine region, and the surrounding areas of Indawgyi Lake. Of them, only Lakyin

Nawng and Sainggawn Gan, the Du-was of Kamaing Region, had to pay the

revenues.41

During Myanmar Kings, in Maingkwan Village, Hukawng Valley Region,

a Myo-ôk was appointed. He collected 2 Kyat-tha of gold per one family as

revenue. This had led to the assassination of the Myanmar officer of Sit-ke rank in

N'ding Ga with a route to Hukawng Valley. From that time till the British

administration, there had existed no revenue collection in Hukawng Region.42

Since in the olden times, the Du-was ruled the Kachin lands. The regions were

Mare, Kahtawng and Mung, and they collected crops as revenues from the natives

of the region under their rule. Especially, one basket of paddy per family or any

due amount was collected. Moreover, the local people had to serve voluntary

labour, as the cultivators of the hill side farmland. In clearing the hillside one day

41Hertz, 1960, 21, 22

42Ma Nawng, 1944, 55 99

was spent; one day for dispersing the paddy seeds; one day for weeding; one day

for harvesting; one day for winnowing; one day for storing the paddy, etc. Thus

the villagers had to contribute voluntary service, as well as revenue.

In a region under the rule of a Kachin Du-wa, the local villagers presented

one hind thigh of a hunted four-legged prey to the Du-wa as a revenue, or a prey

for the sacrifice. Such a Du-wa was called a thigh eating Du-wa, N'Kawn Sha Du

wa. Moreover, when a wedding ceremony was held in a village, some kind of

Hpaga was presented.43 Thus, the Du-wa chiefs' houses looked like a granary.

But according to the Kachin customs, there were two kinds of

administrative systems: Gumsa and Gumlau, the former being more widespread

and collecting such revenues as above-mentioned on the villagers. In the regions

where the latter Gumlau system was practiced, no revenues were collected. A

Kachin Gumsa Du-wa had a right to receive a hind leg from all the other races

from hunting or from the sacrifice. Moreover, other local villagers had to

contribute their voluntary labour to do cultivation in his plot of land or terrace

farming. The Du-wa did not need to return anything for that labour. A Du-wa had

the right to receive as a present from every family one basket of paddy or two.44

Moreover, Leach wrote the relationship between the Kachin Hill tribesmen

and those dwelling in the Delta thus:

Tribute in the form of paddy (rice) is not on quite the same footing. I

have already remark upon the intrinsic interdependence of Kachin (hill)

and Shan (valley) economy. In pre-British days a very important function

of leading Kachin Chiefs was to offer “protection” to valley-dwelling

wet-rice cultivate in return for tribute in rice. The procedure was to

include the valley villages within due domain of the hill chief. Thereafter

anyone the domain of the hill chief. Thereafter anyone who attacked the

43Lhovo, 1967, 8

44Leach, 1964, 121 100

valley villages would find himself at feud with the Kachin Chief. This

rice tribute, in the Kachin view, was the equivalent of the “things” paid

by Kachin45

When the Chinese loaded mules and other traders passed through the region

under a Du-wa, they took protections by presenting gifts to him. Those gifts were

meant for all the chiefs: cash or paddy or goods of high value. Such patterns of

revenue in terms of presenting gifts and taking protection began to be adopted by

the Singhpo in Assam in the 1830; by the Gauri in the surrounding area of Sinlum

kaba in 1850-70; and by the Kachin in the north of Hsenwi in the 1890s.46

During the British rule, concerning the collection of revenues, the officers

in Kachin Hill Tract collected revenues at the same rates and types of revenues as

in the Myanmar Kings depending on the locality. During the reign of Myanmar

kings, in Bhamo, focus was made on the Tha-tha-me-dha. 47 Outside Bhamo, the

village headmen, and the chiefs did revenue collection. The revenues were

submitted to the town headman, who took 10% of the revenue, and supplied it to

the town governor of Bhamo, who them sent it to the royal capital. There was a

position of Nar-khan between the town governor of Bhamo and the town headman,

and he served as the Revenue Officer.

The Tha-tha-me-dha collected in downtown Bhamo was ks.10 per family:

not in cash, but in goods of the same value. Before the British annexation, as the

Tha-tha-me-dha revenue to the royal granary from Bhamo and Shweku, 5,000 to

14,000 baskets of paddy were supplied.48 Moreover, tax was collected on trading

over passing through Bhamo. They were collected 5% on their imports and ks.12

per one load over the shoulders on the exports. Depending on the value of goods

45Leach, 1964, 187

46Leach, 1964, 188

47Dawson, 1960, 77

48Dawson, 1960, 77 101

loaded boats were also collected taxes. So in the reign of Myanmar kings, in

Bhamo, the annual income up to ks.13000 was obtained in revenue. 49 As the

forestry revenue, till the early British annexation, the lease for the Kauk-kwe

Forest was granted, and the revenue obtained in 1885 was approximately

ks.80,000.50

In the hilly regions to the north east of Bhamo, till the early British

occupation, only the Du-was collected the revenues. It is not yet known whether

the Du-was had to supply the revenues to the Bhamo District Governor. The

Sinkan Region was also ruled by the Kara Kachin Du-wa; and according to their

tradition, they collected revenues in the form of gifts.51 When the British came,

since 1885-86, the system of revenue collection was not changed: the town

headmen were to collect and supply the revenue. But fearing any leakage, the

Myo-ôk or town governor collected the revenues, carrying out the general

administrative duties. Most of the village headmen were illiterate, so the Assistant

Deputy Commissioners were assigned the revenue collection apart from the

general administration and management duties. The revenue rates were checked

by the town governor and the Deputy Commissioner, and issued orders for the

village headmen.52 In 1895, Myitkyina District was separated, and in Mogaung,

Kamaing and Myitkyina regions, the Tha-tha-me-dha was collected as in Bhamo

District. Though the rate was ks.10 per one family, the rate was lenient, ranging

ks.8 to ks.5 depending on the economic conditions.53 In 1895, the Kachin Hill

Tribes Regulation of 1895 was enacted, and according to this Regulation, along

49Dawson, 1960, 77

50Dawson, 1960, 78

51Dawson, 1960, 22

52Dawson, 1960, 78

53Hertz, 1960, 153102

the Nampaung routes, the Kachin Du-was, especially the Mahtang Du-was,

collected revenues or taxes was abolished.54 But, though, normally, the Tha-tha

me-dha revenue was ks.10 per family, only kyats 5 per family could be paid in

Kachin Hill regions. Moreover, the Kachin who had moved to the mainland could

pay only kyats 2 and 8 pès per family. The revenues were collected by the village

chief, who got 10% commission of the collected revenue.55 The Tha-tha-me-dha

revenue collected in plains was a kind of family revenue while it was collected in

terms of the tribute in the hilly regions. This kind of revenue was collected at kyats

2 and 8pès per family in Bhamo District by the Assistant Deputy Commissioner

with the aid of the Taung-ôk. 56 When Myitkyina District had been organized, in

the other Kachin Hill regions such as Sadon, Sama and Myitkyina, except

Kamaing, the tribute revenue was collected at kyats 2 and 8 pès per family. In

Kamaing, such a revenue rate was ks.5 per family,57 but in far-flung hilly regions,

only k.1 and 8 pè to k.1 per family was collected.

The rates defined for the Tha-tha-me-dha revenue and the tributes revenue

were not fixed, but flexible according to the circumstances. If the number of

revenue suppliers was low, the rate was raised. In Mogaung, Myitkyina District,

the rate was kyats 5 per family, but in 1902-03, as the revenue income was low,

the rate was raised to kyats 7 and 8 pès per family as a punishment.58 Moreover, in

1922, the tribute revenue was raised from kyats 2 and 8 pès per family to kyats 3.59

54Hertz, 1960, 29

55Dawson, 1960, 79

56Dawson, 1960, 80

57Hertz, 1960, 154

58Kachin Hill Manual, 1906, 45

59Report on the North-Eastern Frontier for the year 1922-23, Yangoon, Government

Printing, Burma, 1923 p.8 (Henceforth: RNEF, 1922-23) 103

Similarly, in Bhamo District, like Myitkyina District, the rate was raised to kyats 3

per family.60 Such a higher rate was done with the excuse that the revenue for

paddy from the lowland peasants had been included.61

In Bhamo District, in collecting the land revenue, the area of the land was

measured, and the rate was collected at acreage. In lands not yet measured, one

tenth of the produce was paid in cash. Though attempts were made to depend on

the former rate of the Myanmar Kings, the land revenue rate was amended at kyat

1 and 8 pès per acre because of the change of circumstances. On the non

government land, the rate lower than that of the government land was collected.

On the measured plots of land, kyat 1 and 2 pès per acre; and on the measured

plots,7.5 percent of the yield.62 Also in Myitkyina District, the license for the land

revenue was issued at kyat 1 and 8 pès per acre, for the right to do cultivation. On

the unmeasured plots of land, one tenth of the yield was defined as the revenue.

All the lands in the district were defined as the government land.63

There were fisheries based on the Irrawaddy, and the business license was

issued and the revenues were collected. After Myitkyina District had been

organized, the revenue on the fisheries per year was kyats.17127. Besides the river,

also in Indawgyi Lake, revenues were collected on the fisheries.64 The income

from fisheries varied from year to year, but the income had been increasing.

During the British rule, besides the Tha-tha-me-dha revenue, land revenue,

and revenue on fisheries, revenues on opium and excise were also collected.

Before the British rule, in Kachin Hill region, there existed no revenue like excise

60RNEF, 1923, 9

61RNEF, 1923, 9

62Dawson, 1960, 79

63Hartz, 1960, 154

64Dawson, 1960, 81 104

revenue. No opium trading was allowed in Kachin Hill region. But there took

place black marketing, trafficking or illegal storage of opium. Not only the

Kachins, but also the Chinese did opium black marketing. Opium trafficking was

mostly done through the Kachin Hills to the south of the N' mai Hka. So, the

British government began to consider the occupation of that region. Detailed

instructions on the rules related to opium dealing were issued. By the end of 1892-

93, the administration of the Kachin Hills were reconsidered, and the disciplinary

draft law were prepared.65 In 1895, Myitkyina District was separated from Bhamo

District, and the opium dealing in Bhamo declined. In Myitkyina District, 1600

seer of opium weight arrested was the most. Despite those preventive measure, in

1896-97, opium of 47413 seer were arrested in Myitkyina District, 15744 seer in

Bhamo District. There was an increase of 328815 seer of opium weight in 1898-99.

The 251123 seer of opium were arrested in Upper Myanmar. One single seizure of

opium in the largest amount was 29600 seer of opium, which only one Kachin

headman of Bhamo District had arrested.66

So when opium products were seized, the income was obtained by putting

the seized objects in auction or fining. In putting the opium in auction, the system

used in 1902 in lower Myanmar, was first introduced from 1904 in Upper

Myanmar.67 According to this system, the auctioneers were issued the licenses at

the fixed rate in advance, and the excise officer supervised the auction. The

revenue income collected by the British did not decline, but had been increasing

65Report on the Administration of Burma, 1892-93, Yangoon, Government Printing,

Burma, 1893 pp. 5, 33 (Henceforth: RAB,1893)

66 Aye Aye Hlaing, “Opium in Myanmar (1885-1948)”, Ph.D Dissertation, History

Department, University of Mandalay, 2008, p. 43 (Henceforth: Aye Aye Hlaing, 2008)

67Dawson, 1960, 82 105

from year to year. This shows that the regular collection of the revenue had been

under the close supervision of the British.

Table- V

1901-21 Year Bhamo and Myitkyina Districts of Total Revenue

No. Years Total Revenue of

Bhamo District

Total Revenue of

Myitkyina District

Total

1 1901-02 171573 - 171573

2. 1902-03 171667 187507 359164

3 1903-04 183559 197376 380935

4. 1904-05 192541 214856 407397

5. 1905-06 184531 235899 420430

6. 1906-07 197924 253784 451708

7. 1907-08 209233 27345 236278

8. 1908-09 212558 295586 508144

9. 1909-10 226047 299445 525492

10. 1910-11 243013 - 243013

11. 1911-12 246754 274977 521731

12. 1912-13 261573 267671 529244

13. 1913-14 243360 260176 503536

14. 1914-15 247515 244714 492229

15. 1915-16 297649 247519 545164

16. 1916-17 303264 365487 668781

17. 1917-18 307792 411733 715027

18. 1918-19 327992 439851 768843

19. 1919-20 333688 496705 830383

20. 1920-21 336501 496850 833351

Sources: Hartz, 1960, 154

Bhamo Gazetteer, 1913, 18, 22, 27, 28

Myitkyina Gazetteer, 1925, 25, 29106

Besides those revenues, the revenue income business under the British

supervision was the revenue on jade and jade mines. The region of the jade mines

was under the Kansi Du-wa, and the revenues were collected long before the

British rule. The jade mine areas were ruled via the Maw-ôk and the Maw-htein,

who collected the revenues and supplied them to the Kansi Du-wa. The revenues

of farmland, dwelling house and ferry were also collected regularly. It was said

that there was no revenue to pay in the act of digging the mine. The plot of mine

land was measured and defined by the Maw-ôk with the permission of the Du-was,

and one tenth of the value of the precious stones was to be paid as revenue. Such a

revenue was called Man-hu-man-tar. The value of a precious stone was assessed

by naked eye.68 In the Kansi regions over jade mine areas, no revenue must be

collected on the ancestry of the Paw-maing. If a Maw-ôk or a Maw-htein was of

Paw-maing ancestry, he was entitled to the forestry revenue, gate pass revenue,

and ferry revenue. The revenues on farmland, dwelling house and jade went to the

Kansi Du-wa.

After the British occupation, on 10 February, 1888, Kansi Nawng and

Kansi La who were Kansi Du-was over the jade mine area, and Captain Adamson

met, and made negotiations.69 Since then on, the jade mine areas fell under the

British. But the Du-was were allowed to continue their administration. Revenues

were supplied to the British once a year. Till 1898, revenues were supplied by the

Maw-ôk and the Maw-htein to Kansi Du-wa, but concerning Hweka mine, a

request was made to collect revenues from Sainglaing Du-wa. The type of revenue

collected at that time was Mam-hu-man-ta, revenues on forestry, water supply,

gate pass, ferry and card games were being collected.70 Any form of revenues

might be collected, but as it was agreed, ks.100 per year must be supplied to the

68Hertz, 1960, 139

69Hertz, 1960, 135

70Hertz, 1960, 135 107

British government.71 From then on, the Maw-ôk and Maw-htein had to supply the

revenue directly to the British only. One tenth of the revenue was returned to the

Maw-ôk and village headmen by the British. So the British government paid no

salary to any one in Kansi Region, but only the Khaing-sar.

The peasants in such villages as Lone-khin in Kachin had to pay the

revenues on dwelling house and farmland. The revenue on the dwelling house was

kyats 5, and the revenue on paddy land was kyats 2 per 100 baskets. In some

places, kyats 9, kyats 10 and kyats 12, etc, were paid for the dwelling house. Some

had to pay kyats 15, kyats 20, and kyats 25. So, the Tha-tha-me-dha revenue of

Kansi Region, not including other revenues, was kyats 7000, kyats 8000 per year.72

Just after the British came in, the famous jade mines were:

(1) Tawmaw

(2) Ngokin

(3) Moman

(4) Sakyi

(5) Papyen

(6) Sakwi

(7) Pakhan, etc.73

In the region of jade mines, as revenue, the Man-hu-man-ta revenue and

gambling were mainly collected, and much income was obtained. The Maw-ôk got

only the Khaing-sa. Moreover, the Maw-ôk presented gifts of kyats 100 per year to

the British government. The revenue for gift and Tha-tha-me-dha revenue were

collected by the Moegaung Hill assistant commissioner.74

71Hertz, 1960, 137

72Hertz, 1960, 174

73Hertz, 1960, 138

74Hartz, 1960, 147 108

The British did not exert influence on the whole Kachin Hill Region. In the

regions where their influence did not reach, no revenues were collected. Only the

local chiefs collected the revenues. Especially, till 1930, the Hukawng Valley

region and the traingle regions between N'mai Hka and Mali Hka were defined as

the regions beyond the British government’s administration. The British officers

made a visit to Hukawng Region almost every year, and the slaves in that region

were set free in 1925-26. It was in 1934, that, for the first time, a group headed by

J.L Leyder first collected the revenue as the British government in Hukawng

Region: kyats 2 per a Kachin family, and kyats 4 per a Shan family. In 1935-36, a

group headed by Mr. J.W. Leedham toured the Hukawng region, and collected the

revenues.75 So the British government collected the revenues on the Kachin Hill

regions in various ways. Among them, a revenue office was opened in Mogaung

for the jade revenue.

Table- VI

Jade and Amber

Regarding Jade and amber had been paid to the British between 1895 to 1898

as follows:

Years Jade Amber Total Value

1895-96 130,543 - 130543 Rs.

1896-97 150,341 2,330 152670 Rs.

1897-98 83,436 4,990 88426 Rs.

Source: RNEF, 1898, 22, 23

To summarize the jurisdiction and revenue collection related to the Kachins,

the Kachin Du-wa, the chief of the Kachin ancestry, had no authority to directly

judge cases like a judge. In jurisdiction, the Salang council, whom the Du-was

consulted with made judgments. But there were not have records like the Da

mma-thats. The customs of jurisdiction were handed down and followed, and

75Ma Nawng, 1944, 57 109

came to exist as the law and procedure of the Kachins. Mostly in jurisdiction,

arbitration was common over the quarrel or dispute among individuals or groups,

groups were organized, and they worked together to settle the case. As fine,

property of high value called Hpaga was to be paid for settlement of the case. The

value of Hpaga as well as its number, varied according to the cases, light or severe.

The guilty ones were not sentenced to imprisonment. But they were confined

either in the duty of Hka or being made a social outcast or in a kind of houses

imprisonment. In Kachin jurisdiction, the personal procedure and criminal

procedure were referred to. In the former, the cases of illegitimate child was the

most important. Such cases were judged according to classes. Hpaga to be paid

according to ancestry of chiefs, ordinary class and class of servant as a

compensation also varied. In criminal cases, murder was the highest crime, and

such a case was judged according to classes. When a member of Du-wa ancestry

happened to got killed, 100 kinds of Hpaga were to be paid. Though the ruler was

a Du-wa, he had no authority for jurisdiction, and his Salang Council alone judged

cases in the form of arbitration. Though a Du-wa was powerful in law and order in

the region, they played only a few roles in jurisdiction. In order to subject the

Kachins, the British organized the opponents. In every region under their influence,

regional security, jurisdiction and revenue collection were mainly done.

Jurisdiction and administration were not separated, but policies for the affiance

and reduction of expenses were laid down. Resistances were suppressed and

punished in the form of fine. Thus, the Kachin Hill regions were ruled by the

military administration from 1886 to 1893. The Du-wa who did not serve the

British were replaced by those who would be loyal to them in the form of letter of

appointment. They had to do regional security, jurisdiction and revenue collection.

In 1895, the Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation was enacted, and the cases of

Kachin Hill region were judged in accordance with the Regulation. Especially,

concerning the civil cases, the British appointed Du-was were assigned authority 110

according to the Kachin customs. So under the British rule, the Jurisdiction of the

Kachin Hill region was different from the plains land. The officers serving duties

in Kachin Hill regions had the authority to judge according to the Kachin Hill

Tribes Regulation. The Kachin Du-was, Taung-ôk and the district officers had no

authority to judge the cases of the non-Kachins, but only minor cases of the

Kachins according to the Kachin customs. If the defendant was a Kachin, and

committed a crime on the Kachin hill, his case was judged according to the Kachin

Hill Tribes Regulation, if he was not a Kachin, his case was judged as in the

mainland courts. The civil law cause that occurred in Kachin Hills during the

British rule were related to the crimes, only the punishment given on criminal

cases was made. A guilty criminal was to make a pledge to stay well within 3

years, and if he broke the pledge, the deputy commissioner's office sentenced him

to imprisonment.

In Kachin Hill regions before the British rule, revenues were collected by

the Du-was in the regions where they exerted their influence. Basically,

agriculture was the main livelihood, the revenue was only in the form of crops,

especially the paddy, and was to be paid once a year. During the reign of

Myanmar kings, the Kachin Du-was in Mogaung, Mohnyin and the surrounding

areas of the Indawgyi Lake presented local products to the Myanmar officers who

made a visit, while the Myanmar officers returned silk longyis and silkwares. As

the chief of the race, the Du-was defined Mare, Kahtawng, and Mung for their rule.

The local people paid crops revenue: one family supplied paddy a year, while one

or two groups of terrace farmers supplied paddy in baskets to the Du-was.

Moreover, they had to contribute voluntary labour in building the house of a

Du-wa or in his farmland for cultivation. There were two types of Du-wa: a thing

eating Du-wa, revenue collecting Du-wa and the Du-wa not collecting any revenue.

This defined the status of Du-wa. Moreover, there were two kinds of

administration system, namely Gumsa and Gumlau, the former being in the line of 111

inheritance according to ancestry, to whom other races had to supply revenues. In

Gumlau system, none was to pay revenue. But there were very few regions where

that system took place. However, in the regions with a Gumlau system, there took

place the Gumsa system through time and changes. Nevertheless, paying revenues

to the Du-was reflected the mutual relationship. While the Du-was collected the

revenue, they were responsible for giving protection to those who paid revenues.

Moreover, there existed mutual reliance between those living in hilly regions and

those living in the Delta region. Some Chinese traders often passed the region

under a Du-wa's rule. Then they gave gifts to the Du-wa, and sought for his

protection. Such pattern had been adopted by Singhpos in Assam in 1830; by the

Gauri in the surrounding area of Sinlum-kaba in 1850-70; and by the Kachins of

northern Hsenwi in 1890.

When the Kachin regions fell under the British rule, the officers concerned

issued orders suitable for the region at in the farmer revenue rate and form as in

Myanmar Kings, and collected revenues. In Bhamo, the Tha-tha-me-dha revenue

was collected, while in villages outside Bhamo, the village headmen took 10%

commission, and supplied the revenue to the town governor of Bhamo. During the

Myanmar Kings, Tha-tha-me-dha revenue was collected in Bhamo and Shweku in

the form of baskets of paddy. In Kachin Hill region to the north east of Bhamo, the

Du-was collected the revenues in the form of tributes. Just as the British came in,

the same form of revenues continued. The Tha-tha-me-dha was collected at kyats

10 per family, while the people of Kachin Hill regions could afford to pay kyats 5,

and the people of some regions could pay only kyats 2 and 8 pès. The village

headmen took 10% commission. So under the British rule, the Tha-tha-me-dha

collected in plains land areas was a kind of revenue on dwelling house while the

revenue collected in Kachin Hill regions was a kind of tributes. Such tributes were

collected with the aid of Taung-ôk by the assistant deputy commissioner. The

Tha-tha-me-dha revenue and the revenue on the tributes were not fixed. During 112

the British rule, revenues existed in the following: Tha-tha-me-dha, tributes, land,

fishery, opium and excise. Moreover, income revenues were obtained concerning

jade. Formerly, the jade mine areas were under the rule of the Kansi Du-wa. So all

the revenues concerning the jade mine areas went to the Kansi Du-wa, who

collected revenues on the jade mines via the Maw-ôk and the Maw-htein. Below

the Du-wa were junior Du-was called Paw-maing, who did not need to pay

revenues to the Du-was. In jade trading, the Ma-hu-man-ta revenue was to be paid

to the Du-wa. Since 1898, the Maw-ôk and Maw-htein did not supply the revenues

to the Kansi Du-was, but to the British government. The British returned 10%

commission to the Maw-ôk and the Maw-htein. Thus, the British paid only in

terms of Khaing-sar, and not in the form of salary. Till 1930, as the British's

influence did not reach the Hukawng Valley Region and the Triangle area between

the N'mai Hka and the Mali Hka, which belonged to the Kachin Hill region, no

revenues were collected from those regions. Only the Du-was, the chief of the

ethnic group concerned, collected the revenues. In Hukawng Valley region, it was

only since 1934, that the tributes revenue was first collected. The British

government collected revenues in Kachin Hill region in various forms. This was

done via the Du-was and the Taung-ôks. So in Kachin region before the British

government and under the British rule, the Kachin Du-was undertook

administration, jurisdiction and revenue collection. The Kachin Du-was played all

important role for the Kachin people. CHAPTER FOUR

CHANGES IN THE RULING CLASS

uring Konbaung Period, there lived th

e Kachins called Thein- phaw in the

northern part of Myanmar, north east- mountain ranges and West Kamti

region, east Chindwin, Uru-se-ywa, Mogaung Region, Bhamo- Katha Region,

Moemeik, Moe Hlaing, Mansi, and Hsenwi Shan Region.1 Similarly, there lived

the Kachins in Assam Region, East Assam, northern most Myanmar, northeast

mountain ranges, and Yunnan Province along the border of China under the

British rule.2 The name "Kachin" comprises Jinghpaw, Gauri, Maru, Azi, Lashi

and Lisu ethnic groups, etc. The ethnic groups included in Kachin ethnic group

have different dialects, and different customs.3 So, according to the estimates of

the Western scholars, the Kachins had probably descended from the Mongolia

Plateau between the eastern plateau and West Szechwan.4 There are four dialects

spoken by the Kachins, upon which the political ideology depend. Concerning the

political ideology of the Kachins, Leach says:

From this point of view, due empirical fact that in same parts of the

Kachin Hills we encounter extreme examples of this sort of language

factionalism, whereas in other areas the 'miscellaneous" Kachin sub

groups readily adopt Jinghpaw speech, must be seen as an index or

1 Kyan, 1971, 171

2 Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 331

3 Leach, 1964, p.41

4 (a)Hanson, 1913, 183

(b)Leach, 1964, 230

D 114

symptom of some contrast in political ideology. This brings us the topic

of gumsa versus gumlau.5

The Kachins began to make settlements from the northernmost regions of

Myanmar, starting from about 1st century A.D., and then they began to occupy the

regions to the south, southeast and west; to the north, the Sumprabum

surroundings, the triangle area between N'mai and Mali Hka; to the west, the

Hukawng Valley and Assam, to the north east, Maru and Lashi settled themselves

along the Saw-law, Htaw-gaw and Ngo - Chang Creek; to the south east, they live

in scattered regions in the surrounding areas of Sinlumkaba, Sadon, Sima and

Bhamo, to the south, and the surrounding areas of the Indawgyi, respectively.

Before the British came, in Hukawng Regions, where the Du-was ruled,

there lived Daihpa Du-wa, Walaw Bum Du-wa and other Shan Saw-bwa or

Lords.6 The Hukawng Valley is a region where the Shans and the Kachins lived

together, but in the Triangle Area, there lived only the Kachins. However, there

had been contacts between the Kachins of Hukawng Region and the Triangle Area.

Among the Kachins were five main ethnic groups. Lahpai, Lahtawng,

Marip, Maran and N'hkum. Generally, those who lived in Hukawng were called

Tsasen; the Kachins living in the Triangle Area were Hka Hku, those living in

Putao Plains, Duleng; those living in the north east of Bhamo, Gauri; those living

between Mogaung and Mohnyin, Htingnai; and those living in northern Shan State,

the Sinli respectively. The regions were named according to the names of the races.

Their dialects were also different in tone and accent, as their political concepts

varied. Among those living in the surrounding area of Hukawng Valley, the

Marips were the ruling Du-was; in Gauri and Sinli; the ruling races were the

5 Leach, 1964, 50

6 Ma Nawng 1944, 42 115

Lahpai and the Maran; in Triangle Area, the Lahtawng and in other regions, the

Marip, the Lahpai, and the Lathawng respectively.

Among the races of the Marips, they had different names. They lived in

hilly regions to the west of the Intawgyi Lake, in the surrounding area of the

amber mines, jade mines, the Triangle Area, the Hukawng Valley and along the

west bank of the Irrawaddy. In the regions along the west bank of the Irrawaddy

there lived the ruling ethnic groups who were stronger in power.7 The Marips in

that region were the first Kachins who made the first contact against the invasion

of the British, and were the first to take refuge under the British.

Lahtawng descendants had their own family names. The Triangle Area

between N' mai Hka and Mali Hka was the original place of the Lahtawng. So this

Triangle Areas were under the control of the Lahtawngs.8 They also lived widely

near the confluence of N'mai hka and Mali hka near Myitkyina, northern and

Hsenwi, Moe- Meik. When the British came, the Lahtawngs, except Sana

Lahtawng, did not revolt against the British imperialists.

The Lahpais, according to the British, were the strongest ethnic group.9

They live in all hill regions where the Kachins live: on the east and west banks of

the Irrawaddy; north east of Bhamo, along the Phon-Kan Hill; northeast and north

of Mogaung; southern Hsenwi, and Moe- meik. Sima Lahpai and Szi Lahpai were

the most well known ethnic groups among the Lahpais. Moreover, Gauri Lahpais

were powerful Lahpais to the north east of Bhamo.10

The Myanmar went and attacked Assam from 1817 to 1820.11 They, then,

met the Jinphaws, who were then regarded as the uncivilized ethnic groups from

7 Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 375

8 Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 375, 376

9 Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 376

10Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 377

11Woodman, 1962, 63 116

Mogaung and Hukawng Valleys. On their march to Assam, the Myanmar troops

had to pass Mogaung and Hukawng. In Assam and Hukawng Valley regions, the

Kachin Du-was were then very powerful in battles. The Du-was who were then

very well known was the Pyisa and the Daihpa Du-was. 12 The Myanmar troops

marching to wards Assam organized one thousand Kachin Jinphaws, and came to

Assam.13 So, since 1830, the regions Hkamti Long and Sediya in Assam were

under the power of the Shan Saw-bwas or lords. Again, the regions along

Hukawng Valley were under the Kachins while Mogaung was placed under the

administration of Myanmar Myo-ôks.

In 1835, the Kachin Du-wa Phisa Gam who fell under the British and Du

wa Daipha Gam who was ruling the Hukawng Valley were fighting. The British

fought on the side of Pyisa Gam, so Daipha Gam made a confrontation against the

British at Assam. So the British sent an envoy to the Myanmar King in order to

keep under control the Kachins at Hukawng Valley and Assam. In January, 1835,

the Mogaung Town Officer and Captain Hannay arrived at Hukawng Valley,14 in

order to study the situation between Mogaung and Assam. On their return, they

took Daipha Gam to the royal capital. On 19th May, 1836, he arrived at Inwa

Royal Capital together with Captain Hannay and the Town officer of Mogaung.

Then he was awarded titles.15 From then on, the Jingpaw Kachins came to be more

well known. The word Kachin First appeared in English in the 1837s. Moreover,

the Christian missionaries wrote the name of Kachin as Ka- Khyan in the early

19th century, and it was only in the late 19th century, that they began to adopt the

12(a) Brang Di, 1996, 52

(b) Ma Nawng, 1944, 26, 42

13 Yet-swe, 2002, 20, 21

14 Yet-swe, 2002, 23

15Ma Nawng, 1944, 50, 52 117

term Kachin. In 1837, the American missionary Rev. Kincaid came to Mogaung

and met Ka-Khyen.16

In the years after 1837, Kincaid came to Bhamo and Mogaung and from

then on one Christian missionary after another came to the Kachins. The American

Baptist missionary, Taylor Rose came to Bhamo in 1862. But he was more eager

to go to Bhamo via Inwa and to China via Bhamo on missionary.17 Then, in 1868,

Taylar Rose and Josiah N. Cushing once again came to Bhamo. Taylor Rose got

the aid of Cushing who was doing missionary for the Shans, and got back to

Bhamo, and studied the north and east of Bhamo. On the route he met the Kachins,

as mentioned in the record.18 When Rose and Cushing returned, an American

missionary Francis Mason came to Bhamo in 1873. Mason spoke Myanmar, and

preached 30 to 40 men at a public rest house. Among them were included about 8

Kachins. But Mason got sick, and had to return to Mandalay in 1874. Mason was

the missionary for the Karens. He finally got sick and died. Then, Captain

H.Carpenter organized the Karens, and started to do missionary to the Kachins

once again. In 1876, Cushing came to Bhamo. He made his centre in Taungoo,

doing missionary to the Shans. In Bhamo, he did missionary to the Shans, giving

aid to Rose, and studying the Shan texts.

Since 1877, the American Baptist missionary started the Kachin Baptist

missionary. They first founded Kachin Baptistism for the Karens. Though their

work lasted from 1837 to 1876, for 40 years, they were not a success. In 1877, the

first Kachins who became Christians were 7 Kachins, including Bumwa Du-wa

family of Bumwa village to the east of Bhamo. Then, the missionary went on to

the hilly regions where the Gauri Kachins live to the east of Bhamo. It reached the

Mahtang Du-was, the most powerful among Gauri Kachin Du-was. Thus, in 1897,

16Tegenfeldt, 1974, 82

17Tegenfeldt, 1974, 85

18Tegenfeldt, 1974, 85 118

with Cushing, Mr. Willian H- Roberts joined, and continued the missionary among

the Kachins, with the aid of 4 Karens of Pathein. The Bumwa Du-was gave up the

tradition of the Deities and were converted to Christian. Then, Mr. and Mrs

Roberts got sick, and to go back to Yangon. Then, Mrs. Roberts died. So Mr.

Roberts went back to America in 1880. Since 1881, Bawmung La and 7 people of

Bumwa became Christians. In 1882, 8 people from Bum in Bum Village also

became Christians, so the Kachin Christians came to exist. Their children stayed at

the missionaries' house and first studies Myanmar language, personal grooming,

the Bible, singing choirs, and there came into existence a school. What made the

missionary difficult was the illness. In 1883-84, a boarding school began in

Bhamo. Thus, before the British occupation, since the rule of the Myanmar Kings,

permission was granted for Christian missionary, and the missionaries came to the

Kachins since 1837. But it was only in 1881, that the Gauri Kachins to the east of

Bhamo were the first Christians. The missionary had come through the aid of the

Karens. So before the British rule, only a few Kachins were Christians. From them

on the Kachin Christians studied the Bible, and stayed at boarding schools. That

was the beginning of schools.

After the British had occupied Upper Myanmar, a list of Kachin Du-was

living in Bhamo, Mogaung and Indawgyi Lake was submitted from Magwe Wun

dauk to Assistant Deputy Commissioner and British officers. According to the list

of Taung-sa Du-was dated 30th March; 1888; there are 53 hills to the east of

Bhamo. These hills have chiefs of their own. Of the 53 chiefs 43 are influential. A

Kachin chief has control over 50 to 60 houses. In each house there are from 20 to

25 families. The chiefs are Magistrates. Their orders are final. Every year they

assess a tax in the form of a basket of paddy from each family. The office of a

chief is hereditary. No taxes were levied on the chiefs; but there was an octopi

duty on the fruits and other country produce brought into Bhamo.

119

List of hills from Tapin chaung, Bhamo, to the Kin at Lwelaing in the south--

Number of Taung-sa

Pakunm Hills … … … … … 5

Kadaw Hills … … … … … 7

Ponzaw Hills … … … … … 1

Lweyein Hills … … … … … 1

Gyapaik Hills … … … … … 1

Lwelon Hills … … … … … 1

Hoton Hills … … … … … 1

Matin Hills … … … … … 1

(The chief of this hill was presented with a golden umbrella by King Mindon.)

Möng-hka … … … … … 1

Total … 19

From Tapin chaung to Wanbaung chaung in the south by Kindawngalat road---

Ladaungainyu … … … … … 1

Ladaungmskyaing … … … … … 1

Laya … … … … … 1

Ponlein … … … … … 1

Peshindo … … … … … 1

Wunkaw … … … … … 1

Panma … … … … … 1

Nawku … … … … … 1

Total … 8 120

From the western bank of Nandabet chaung to the southern bank of Nanzi chaung.

Momauk … … … … … 1

Lawtaw … … … … … 1

Lawmun … … … … … 1

Lonza … … … … … 1

Ponbya … … … … … 1

Kyetyin … … … … … 1

Ngazin … … … … … 1

Gonbi … … … … … 1

Peto … … … … … 1

Paya … … … … … 1

Kayi … … … … … 1

Total … 11

Hills along the Kokyin-Manpa road from the southern bank of Nanzi chaung.

Wabaung … … … … … 1

Sayi … … … … … 1

Palin … … … … … 1

Waingson … … … … … 1

Wabawkat … … … … … 1

Lana … … … … … 1

Wazigon … … … … … 1

Kalya … … … … … 1

Pita … … … … … 1

Total … 9 121

Along the Theinlin chaung---

Kawabon … … … … … 1

Lwegun … … … … … 1

Habon … … … … … 1

Homa … … … … … 1

Lataung … … … … … 1

Leka … … … … … 1

Total … 6

Grand

Total

… 53

There are three chiefs and 28 lesser chiefs in the districts round Mogaung.

Under each of the chiefs are from 40 to 50 houses, and under each of the lesser

chiefs from 10 to 20 houses. In each house there are between 20 and 30 families.

As at Bhamo, the chiefs are also Magistrates. There was a duty of 10 percent,

levied on jade-stones.

List of Chiefs in the Mogaung

Number of Chiefs

Malwebum … … … … … 1

Jade Mines District

Kansinaung … … … … … 1

Lonkin … … … … … 1

Malin … … … … … 1

Neinza … … … … … 1

Kadaw-wa … … … … … 1

Nemzatan … … … … … 1

In the Districts on both Banks of Nantein

Nwe- kwela … … … … … 1

Mapyin … … … … … 1

Kakan … … … … … 1 122

In the District of Indawgyi

Number of Chiefs

Mabu … … … … … 1

Saingnaing … … … … … 1

In the District of Kamaing

Lakyin Naung … … … … … 1

Sainggaung Gam … … … … … 1

(These two chiefs paid taxes).

Pontudaung … … … … … 1

On the Banks of Nati Chaung

Sawba … … … … … 1

Kazi … … … … … 1

Sama … … … … … 1

On the Banks of Nanzin Chaung

Situ … … … … … 1

Lakyinbon … … … … … 1

On the District of Tapo

Taunglon … … … … … 1

Wawin … … … … … 1

Ngakewa … … … … … 1

Bhamo District

Matuwa … … … … … 1

Sinbo Districts

Waka … … … … … 1

Maiklon … … … … … 1

Sawyama … … … … … 1

On the Banks of Mogaung River

Wawin … … … … … 1

Sawdn … … … … … 1

Kazi … … … … … 1

Magayam … … … … … 1

Total … 3119

19From the Wun-dauk of Magwe to Commissioner of the Northern Division, Upper

Burma, Series No. 11 (A), Acc:No.2727, National Achives Department 123

Before the British rule, the Kachin Du-was were mentioned as the Taung-sa

Saw-bwas. It was only under the British rule that the Du-was and A-gyi-was were

separately appointed and instead of Taung-sas, Taung-ôks were appointed. The

number of Taung-ôks was not as many as the Du-was.

On 28 November, 1885, the British occupied Mandalay, and they occupied

Bhamo in 28 December. 20 Then, General Norman cleared the forests around

Bhamo, and built barracks. On 1st January, 1886, the British declared Upper

Myanmar as the British Empire, and there started the administration in Bhamo.

The first Bhamo deputy commissioner was Major Cook.21 The eastern regions of

Bhamo were then under the rule of the Du-was. Among them, the Mahtang Du-wa

was the most powerful. To prevent the British army from their approach, they

blocked the route to China.22 Thus, despite the uprisings after occupying Bhamo,

the British tried to organize the other regions gradually. Thus, the British tried to

keep control of the Kachin hills.

After the occupation of Bhamo, in February 1886, the British troop led by

Major Cooke marched to Mogaung along the Irrawaddy River. They met the local

officers in Mogaung, and appointed only the former Mogaung Myo-ôk once again.

While the British troop headed by Major Cooke marched to Mogaung, the Kachin

Du-was in Bhamo first revolted against the British. The leader was Hpungkan Du

wa, who also refused to take refuge under the British rule.23 He organized the

Kachins, and made attacks on the British troops.

When Major Cooke's troop went back to Mogaung, the Myo-ôk, or town

officer appointed by the British was assassinated. The assassinators were the

Kachins. The vacant position was appointed with Maung Tun Kyaw of Bhamo.

But as he did not take up the position, the British appointed the son of the former,

20(a) Crosthwaite, 1968, 7

(b) Woodman, 1962, 335

21 Dawson, 1960, 21

22Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 332

23Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 332, 333 124

Myo-ôk, but he did not accept the order, but fled and hid himself. The Kachins

supported him.24 From that time on, there were more confrontations between the

British and the Kachin. The Kachin revolutions were headed by the Kachin Du

was. While the British tried to win the support of the Kachins, they suppressed the

uprisings as if rebels and thieves.

Reinforcements came, and were settled in the regions when the anti- British

uprisings occurred. In order to suppress the revolting Hpung Kan Du-was, a troop

was stationed at Mansi on the way to the village of Hpung Kan Du-wa. 25 But till

the end of 1886, the British could not control the surrounding area of Bhamo,

because on 14 November 1886, the Kachin, Shan and Chinese combined forces

and attacked Bhamo. Till July and August, 1886, the peace path had to be

followed while no taxes could be collected on northern areas.26 So till 1886, the

British could not organize the Kachin hill regions, but let than remain as usual.

However, since early 1887, the British military police from India came and

reinforced the civil administration. A fortress was built in Sinbo, and a battalion of

Indian soldiers were stationed there.27 Then they marched to occupy Mogaung,

with the intention of controlling the jade mines. The army officers were given

instructions so as to prevent frights among the local people along the route, and a

civil officer was ordered to accompany the troop, and negotiate with the

Kachins. 28 On 14th January, 1888, the British came back to Mogaung, via

Mogaung, they continued to march to Kamaing, and after negotiating with the

chiefs over the jade mine area, named Kansi Nawng and Kansi La, had the jade

mine area under their control.29 So, as the British had the jade mine area under

24 Hertz, 1960, 28

25Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 333

26Crothwaite , 1968, 237

27Crothwaite , 1968, 237

28Hertz, 1960, 26

29Crothwaite, 1968, 255 125

their administration without causing any problem, it was assumed that the

Mogaung and its surrounding area was in peace and security.

But the former Myo-ôk Po Saw organized the Kachin Du-was, and made

attacks on the British troops. Among the Du-was, Sima Du-wa was the most active.

He belonged to Lahpai race, and was a Du-wa ruling the Sima Village to the north

of Mogaung.30 Beside, Sama Du-wa, Punkaw Du-wa also organized the Kachins,

and attacked the British camps, starting the anti- colonist revolutions in mass.

Again, on 20 May, 1888, the Mogaung battle broke out, which was the anti

colonist battle engaging the Kachin, Shan and Myanmar in unity. From then on, as

it is observed, there arose the national spirit and the political and military insights

among the Kachins. Formerly, they had the motive of taking revenge among

themselves. But when the British came to Kachin Hill Tracts, forcing them to take

refuge under the rule of foreigners caused bitterness to them. So, though the arms

strength was not equal, the Kachins took up any weapons they could lay their

hands on and fought the colonists back.

The Kachins in the surrounding area of Mogaung strongly fought against

the British, so the British made more reinforcements, and suppressed the rebels.31

Again, on 16 October, 1888, the British India Government issued special operation

plans: to suppress the Kachins in Kachin Village headed by the Lahpai, Lahtawng

and Maran Du-was. But the British was badly defeated, and they suppressed the

opponents more fiercely.32 They set fire to the crops of the villages supposed to

have anti- colonists. In suppressing Sima Du-wa of Lahpai race, they set fire all

village under Sima Du-wa in surrounding area of Mogaung: they destroyed 9229

houses, 24 villages and 194,000 baskets of paddy.33 This pattern of destructions

was applied to villages involved in the uprising. In winter, in 1888- 89, operations

30Hertz, 1960, 32

31Hertz, 1960, 38

32(a) Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 336

(b) Hertz, 1960, 39

33Hertz, 1960, 46 126

were launched systematically for the suppression. Centering around Mogaung,

negotiations with the Du-was from Lahpi, Maran and Lahtawng were made and

they were persuaded to take refuge under the British. Those opponents were

suppressed and the villages were set on fire. Those under their rule were sent

certificates of recognition as the British governments were made from one village

after another and the suppressions continued. In 1889- 90, severe suppressions

were made to the Lwesaing Du-was to the east of Bhamo, and other anti- British

colonists named U Aung Myat, U Po Saw, Kam Hlaing and Saw Yan Naing. U Po

Saw, Saw Yan Naing and Kan-hlai were given support by the Kachin Du-was, and

the suppressions increased.

In the late 1891s, the Kachin Du-was being convinced that their powers

could not match the British, many came to take refuge under the British. But there

remained many other regions free from their rule. So plans were made for having

all Du-was under their control. The Kachin Du-was accepting the British rule were

appointed Sanad,34 and went to collect house taxes. In winter, 1891- 92, four

military troops were sent to all north east of Bhamo.35 In order to occupy the west

bank of the Irrawaddy, four troops were sent. In there operation, some Du-was got

killed or arrested. In 1892, in Sadon, a fierce battle broke out between the strong

anti- British patriots and the British. Many fell on both sides. Captain Harrison fell,

so Sadon was later named Fort Harrison.36

In winter operation in 1891- 92, Kachin Du-was were defeated. The area

from east bank of the Irrawaddy to Sadon was placed under their rule. In order to

organized the remaining areas, other operations were launched in 1892- 93. In

those years, seven operation troops were organized, which continued to do

organizing and supervising in Kachin hill regions. In Sima Village a battle broke

out. It was the fiercest battle between the Kachins and the British. Three British

34Gun

35Hertz, 1960, 54

36Hertz, 1960, 56 127

officers fell, 3 wounded, and 102 soldiers were engaged to that battle. Captain

Mortan fell, and Sama Fort was re- named as Fort Morton. Since 1893,

suppressing the anti- British revolutionists in Kachin hill regions declined. From

1886 to 1893, the fierce suppressions had taken place. Under the leadership of the

Du-was, the Kachins took up any weapons and fought against the British. But,

finally, then fell under the British to take refuge. After Sama Battle, there were no

more confrontations. Administration, jurisdiction and tax collection were done

only through the British appointed Du-was. The Du-was were ordered to rule their

own regions. So, wherever on issue arose, there was no confrontation with the

British officer, but the Du-was. So, no big problems arose, and the issues were

solved in easy means. So, in 1893, suppressions in Kachin hill regions came to an

end.37

After the British organizing the Kachin hill regions, the regions were

identified. Every year, in winter, only the regional inspector toured with only a

few escorts. As the administration zone, Bhamo District and Myitkyian District

were identified. In order to rule the Kachin hill region as in Rakhine hill region,

Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation of 1895 was enacted.38 According, only the Du-was

ruled the people according to respective races and villages and the traditional

customs. The Christian missionaries started teaching for religion and education.

Only the Roman Catholic and American Baptist mission could assume those

duties, opening the missionary school.

The America missionary opened boarding schools together with the Karens.

So the missionary schools were first opened in large villages around Bhamo. Since

early 1890, in A.B.M school, there were about 30 students.39 Most of them were

the children of those Kachins who had converted into Christian. When the British

first came, the missionary task was almost stopped. No students came to the

37Hertz, 1960, 62

38Scott and Hardiman, 1900, 367

39Tegenfeldt, 1974, 114 128

missionary school. The American missionaries were Mr. Willian Roberts and the

Karen teachers. The Christian missionaries found it hard to start their work

recently after the British occupation of Kachin hill regions. But the number of

Christians gradually increased after 1890.40 In 1890, as Mr. Robert got ill, he went

back home with his family. At the end of 1890, as the American missionary, Ola

Hanson came. He invented Kachin alphabet in the form of Roman letters. Thus, he

translated the Bible into Kachin. So the propagation of the Christian religion

became effective. Then, in 1892, Mr. George J. Geis came to Bhamo and via

Bhamo, went to Myitkyina. In 1895, when he reached Myitkyina, he found a space

by the Irrawaddy, and opened a school in 1896. Centering Myitkyina, he

undertook the missionary step by step. In 1897, there were Christians in Myitkyina,

and Manhkring Village was set up as a village of Kachin Christians in 1898. In

1904, there were 25 Christian families, and since 1902, the Lisu were first

converted to Christian. In 1899, with the aid of the British government, a school

was opened the first boys- girl schools. So from 1897 to 1911, the number of

students students increased from 6 to 75.41

The Christian missionaries opened schools almost in the areas under their

missionary through the aid of Kachin Christian. So the population of students

attending in the school opened by the American Baptist Mission in Bhamo

increased from 30 to 221 from 1885 to 1911, in Myitkyina, from 1897 to 1921,

from 6 to 75.42 In those schools, the Kachin Du-was sent their children to towns

with school for their education. Only the Du-was who were educated at the

specified level were awarded the positions of Taung- ôk. The A.B.M opened the

five schools in Kachin hill regions. 43 From 1883 to 1911, the ABM school

produced the following number of students.

40Tegenfeldt, 1974, 115

41Tegenfeldt, 1974, 122

42Tegenfeldt, 1974, 126

43Hertz, 1960, 85 129

Table- VII

Kachin Baptist Church Annual Educational Statistics, By Districts, and Total

(1883-1911)

Schools, Native Teachers, and Pupils

Bhamo Myitkyina Totals

Sch Tch Pup Sch Tch Pup Sch Tch Pup

1883

1884

1885

1886

1887

1888

1889

1890

1891

1892

1893

1894

1895

1896

1897

1898

1899

1900

1901

1902

1903

1904

1905

1906

1907

1908

1909

1910

1911

4

4

4

4

4

1

1

-

3

2

1

1

1

1

1

-

3

2

6

9

11

8

10

7

10

10

9

11

8

1

1

1

-

-

2

1

-2

4

3

4

4

3

4

4

-

6

6

10

10

14

9

16

19

16

-

-

-

-

24

24

24

-

-

30

35

-

67

110

101

73

86

50

54

-

91

100

130

141

128

111

154

188

183

171

188

223

221

1

1

1

1

1

2

2

2

2

1

1

1

1

1

2

0

0

0

2

2

2

2

3

2

6

1

-

-

-

-

6

15

13

24

24

29

29

39

42

37

46

47

43

57

75

4

4

4

4

4

1

1

-

3

2

1

1

1

1

2

4

3

7

11

13

10

12

8

11

11

10

12

10

1

1

1

-

-

2

1

1

2

4

3

4

4

3

4

Incomplete

6

8

12

12

16

12

18

25

17

-

-

-

-

24

24

24

-

-

30

35

-

67

110

101

73

86

50

60

104

124

154

170

157

150

196

225

229

218

231

280

296

Sources; Tegenfeldt, 1974, 127 130

Table- VIII

Educational Statistic, Bhamo District Between 1901 to 1911

High School Middle School Primary School Private School

Years

Sch. Stu. Sch. Stu.

Sch. Stu. Sch. Stu.

1901-02 - - 3 185 18 847 87 1473

1902-03 - - 4 298 66 1463 71 1299

1903-04 - - 5 335 70 1316 73 1291

1904-05 - - 3 204 67 1641 88 1411

1905-06 - - 4 185 38 667 89 1748

1906-07 - - 4 258 43 1060 108 1388

1907-08 - - 3 222 38 830 140 2188

1908-09 - - 6 347 29 555 154 1549

1909-10 - - 7 408 26 575 142 1396

1910-11 - - 5 254 34 640 148 1441

Sources: Bhamo District, 1913, 28

Table- IX

Educational Statistic, Myitkyina District Between 1911 to 1921

High School Middle School Primary School Private School

Years

Sch. Stu. Sch. Stu.

Sch. Stu. Sch. Stu.

1911-12 - - 3 154 22 621 71 784

1912-13 - - 4 282 22 467 75 808

1913-14 - - 4 333 22 519 78 840

1914-15 - - 5 432 22 576 83 894

1915-16 - - 5 441 23 660 85 839

1916-17 - - 5 451 22 172 78 654

1917-18 - - 5 469 18 570 79 618

1918-19 - - 5 431 17 663 82 658

1919-20 - - 4 386 30 954 82 716

1920-21 - - 5 367 23 725 80 729

Sources: Myitkyina District,1925, 33 131

After occupying the Kachin hill regions, the British first appointed the

Kachins in Bhamo Military Police Battalion since April, 1898. From 1898, every

year in summer, new recruitments were organized among the Kachins. The Du

was appointed by the British, had to give help for this purpose. The appointed

Kachin soldiers were ordered to suppress the opponents. Thus, there were no

confrontations with the British, and at the time the Kachins were organized to

serve the British government. Those valiant Kachin soldiers in the British army

were awarded.44 From 1898 onward, the Kachin soldiers were recruited as military

police at Bhamo Military Police Battalion stationed in Bhamo. First, they served

as ordinary soldiers, and in 1907, a Coy of Kachin soldiers were organized. That

coy was applied to suppressing the Chinese and the Shans opposing the British in

the Chinese border in Lweje, and Sadon. 45 Then, in 1909, another Coy. was

organized; and another one in 1914: three Coy.s were organized under Bhamo

Military Police Battalion till 1918. In 1911, the World War I broke out, the three

Coy.s comprising Kachin soldiers were sent to the Western European front- lines:

349 Kachin military policemen in total, who were 60 in 1-10th Gaurkha Rifles

Army, and 289 in 185th Burma Rifles Army, and were to fight in the frontlines of

Mosopotamia and Turkey. Du-wa and A-gyi was from Marip, Lahtawng, Nhkum,

Maran, Gauri, Maru, Azi, Lachik and Lisu were among the soldiers.

Among the Du-was were:

1 Jinghpaw Du-was 41

2 Gauri Du-was 8

3 Maru Du-was 8

4 Azi Du-was 2

5 Lachik Du-was 2

6 Gareng Du-was 1

7 Lisu Du-was 6

Total 6846

44Kachin Military History, 1954, 26

45Kachin Military History, 1954, 23

46Kachin Military History, 1954, 36 132

The 1-10th Gurkha Rifles Army, there were only three Kachin captains: (1)

Sub Jinghpaw Gam (2) Sub Wala Zaw Tawng, and (3) Sub H pau Lu La. Together

with them, the following Kachin captains joined the wars in Germany in the

frontline in West Europe:

(1) Sub Jinghpaw Gam, Bhamo Military Police

(2) Sub Hpaulu La, Myitkyina Military Police

(3) Jein Prang Gun Zaw Tu, Myitkyina Military Police

(4) Jein Sumdu La, Bhamo Military Police

(5) Hav-Labya La, Lashio Military Police

(6) L/Naik Hkangda Naw, Lashio Military Police

They took the lead in Kachin forces. These Kachin military policemen

came from Bhamo to Pyin Oo Lwin in 1916; in Pyin Oo Lwin, they received

military training. In 1917, via Mandalay and Yangon, they left for Calcutta and

Bombay of India, and joined the wars in Europe. The four Coys, Sikh Compang- 1,

Gurkha Company- 1, Muslims Company- 1 and Tinghpaw Company- 1 were

combined, and named 85th Burma Rifles Corps, and they joined the war against

Germany.47 Thus, the Kachin soldiers got war experience, and other knowledge.

On the other hand, in Kachin Hill Region, there appeared schools opened

by the British government, and many educated Kachin youths were produced. The

Du-wa's children who lived in regions with no schools were sent to boarding

schools in Bhamo, Sinlum Kaba and Myitkyina, etc. Finally, they became

government servants. So, among the Kachins, only the children of the Kachin

Du-was were the first to be educated. Moreover, headquarters were established in

Bhamo and Myitkyina, and the Kachins were organized and recruited in military

police force, to become literate, educated, government servants, and officers,

gaining new experiences and knowledge. On the other hand, in the late 1895s, Ola

Hanson invented the Kachin Jinghpaw language literature, thus resulting in

47Kachin Military History, 1954, 86 133

opportunities for the Kachin in gaining knowledge. After 1898, the Kachin

literature was taught to the Kachins, including in the military police.

Thus, the Kachin literature had become a compulsory subject. The Kachin

Newspaper was published from 1914 to 1927, which informed politics, social

affairs, health and education. 48 The Kachins, reading the newspaper, gained

knowledge about the outside world while they learned war experience and other

experience by serving in British troops.

Though educated, the Kachins had no change of administration. Only the

Du-was were allowed to rule the Kachins, according to races and traditions. But

these Du-was were appointed only by the British government for ruling. The Du

wa and A-gyis were of the same position of Thu-gyi appointed in Lower Myanmar.

Above the Du-was and the A-gyis, was appointed a Taung- ôk each for one Kachin

hill area boundary. The first Taung- ôk under the regional assistnat inspector was

appointed in 1897 at Sinlumkaba to the east of Bhamo. 49 When the regional

assistant inspector toured, he was accompanied by a Taung- ôk from village to

village. The Taung- ôk duty was to collect the family population list, list of gun

and number of houses, and collect taxes. Moreover, minor cases among the

Kachin ethnic groups were decided upon according to Kachin Customary Law.50

In that very year, Sima Taung- ôk was appointed, and the Marus in the

surrounding area of Sima were to pay taxes to Sama Taung- ôk. 51 Again, in 1904-

05, operation started along N'mai Hka- Mali Hka in Myitkyina District. But as the

local Kachins fought against them, the administration could not start. But, since

1911, the British administration was settled in Htaw-lang, Lakein regions where

the Lhavo- Lachiks lived. In 1911, in Law-hkawng, one hill region assistant

48Jinghpaw Shilaika, 1914-27, Braughpa Collection

49Dawson, 1960, 29

50RNEF, 1898, 24, 25

51RNEF, 1898, 4 134

inspector was appointed and the administration began. In 1914, Sam Kha Lum was

appointed Taung- ôk by the local people, and negotiations were made with the

British. Again, for Law- hkawng region, U Chan Tu was appointed Taung- ôk by

the British; in 1922, Gawlu Palaung La; in 1930, U Bok Yan Haung for Saw-law

Taung- ôk. 52

It is observed the Taung- ôk and the Du-was in local regions of Kachin hill

regions did collections tax, administration and jurisdiction, as well as in local

development tasks. Especially, in road transportation, supervision was made on

road and bridge construction. During British rule, the most economic way of road

and bridge construction was used. So, under the leadership of the Du-was in

villages, the labour contribution of the villager was used for road transportation.

Thus, though labour charges were paid by the British government, the actual costs

were higher. In some villages, no costs were issued. For example, in 1909- 10, in

Katha District, Hkunhpa Du-wa built a road to Sumprang Village, and no costs

were paid by the British government, so only the villagers had to do road

construction. The following account on that construction of road was records in

the report of the British government:

In building or repairing the road, the system of awarding should be

extended. More cash needs to be spent. Thus, the construction work can

be dispatched at the most economical rate.53

This shows that, though no loans were granted by the British government,

the Du-was took the lead to the villagers in building new roads for regional

development.

52 Lhavo, 1967, 14

53Report on the North-Eastern Frontier for the year of 1909-1910, Yangoon, Government

Printing , Burma, pp.24, 25 (Henceforth: RNEF, 1910) 135

Since 1911, roads were constructed as the British troop arrived at Htaw

gaw to the north east of Myitkyina. The task was done at the expense of the

villagers' labour. Then schools were opened: In 1921, in Htaw-gaw; in 1922, in

Chihpwe and in 1930, in Saw- Law.54 The British centered Bhamo and Myitkyina

to rule the Kachin hill region, and since 1897, the centre of administration was

established, and the administration on the Kachins began. The Kachin Hill Tribes

Regulation of 1895 was enacted, and power was assigned to different levels. The

original pattern of administration remained unchanged: the tribes chiefs were

allowed to continue their rule. Then, the boundaries were identified. Certificates

for appointment were awarded to the Kachin chiefs and Du-was for assigning

duties. Till 1906, 40 Kachin Hill Tracts, including Hukawng, were identified.55

The certificates of appointment specified the boundary for rule.

Though Du-was and Taung- ôks were appointed, everything had been

under controlled. The British government appointed regional officers, regional

assistant officers and hill region assistant officer, but in reality, they scarcely had

direct contact with the local Kachins. So the fundamental administration of hill

region administration was done effectively by the Du-was and the Taung- ôk

appointed. So the British hold the Durbars in order to organize the Kachin leaders

and exert stronger influence. Such meetings were held annually or on suitable

occasions. This enabled the British to keep tighter control of the local chiefs, and

the power of the British became more effectively. Concerning the Durbars, the

1909- 10 report read as follows:

In December, 1909, in the Durbar of Myitkyina the Vice Governor made

his presence, and present were not only the Kachin chiefs but also border

54Lhavo, 1967, 14

55Kachin Hill Manual, 1906, Rangoon, Government Printing, Burma, 1906, 56, 62

(Henceforth: Kachin Hill Manual, 1906) 136

land chiefs. For the British power exertion, the Durbars were better than

the local inspection of civil administrative officers and effective tax

collection.56

The increase of power resulted from the British officer's tour in Kachin hill

region and the settlement of the British officers in close contact with the locals. So

the report stated that there were no other regions in Myanmar as powerful the

British officers to the locals as in Kachin hill region.57 According to 1923 report,

in the Durbar at Fort Hertz in Putao were present the Hkamti Saw-bwas, the local

Kachin Du-was in the district, and powerful Kachin Du-was outside the British

administration.58 So, till 1922- 23, in some Kachin hill regions, there remained

many areas free from the power of the British. The Du-was order the British rule

became educated so the operation of the administration became smooth. At least,

the primary middle and high schools were opened. Similarly, the Du-wa races

gave priority to education. The British made more systematic administration in

Kachin hill regions. Since 1922, in Bhamo District, the boundaries were identified:

Sinlum Kachin Hill Tract and Shwegu Kachin Hill Tract; in Katha District, Katha

Kachin Hill Tract, in Myitkyina District, Htawgaw Kachin Hill Tracts, Kamaing

Kachin Hill Tract, Mogaung Kachin Hill Tracts, Myitkyina Kachin Hill Tracts,

Sadon Kachin Hill Tracts and Sima Kachin Hill Tracts.59 Till 1911, five Taung-

ôks were appointed under the Sub- division for Sinlumkaba and Shwegu Kachin

56RNEF, 1910, 1

57RNEF, 1910, 9

58Report on the North-Eastern Frontier for the year of 1922-23, 1 (Henceforth: RNEF,

1923)

59(a) Burma Gazetteer, The Bhamo District, Vol.B, Rangoon, Government Printing, 1913,

pp.37, 29 (Henceforth: Bhamo District, 1913)

(b) Burma Gazetteer, The Myitkyina District, Vol.B, Rangoon, Government Printing,

1925, pp.42, 66 (Henceforth: Myitkyina District, 1925) 137

Hill Tracts in Bhamo District.60 The Taung- ôk was responsible for collecting

taxes and jurisdiction touring the areas under his administration.

The following table shows villages, dwelling houses, population and

religion according to the boundaries of Kachin hill regions.

Table- X

Bhamo, Myitkyina and Katha District, Population of Religion Till 1911

No.

Kachin

Hill

Tracts

Total

Population Buddhist

Ani

maists

Hindus

Maho

medans

Christians

1 Bhamo

District

Sinlum

Hill Tracts

44035 5,366 17,739 258 225 447

2 Shwegu

Hill Tracts

6069 - 6069 - - -

Myitkyina

District

3 Htawgaw

Hill Tracts

17305 7 16832 324 15 11

4 Kamaing

Hill Tracts

7067 193 6834 35 1 2

5 Mogaung

Hill Tracts

10467 276 10,066 53 - 57

6 Myitkyina

Hill Tracts

6411 55 6093 129 67 63

7 Sadon Hill

Tracts

12355 722 10940 432 18 122

8 Sima Hill

Tracts

10416 49 4637 404 8 46

9 Katha

District

Katha Hill

Tracts

Sources: (a) Bhamo District, 1913, 37, 49

(b) Myitkyina District, 1925, 42, 66

60Bhamo District, 1913, 2 138

According to 1911 Census, the maximum population of Kachin hill regions

was animists. The Hindu, Muslim, Christian and devotes of other religious were

military police and employed of other British government offices. According to

1911 Census, though the Christian missionaries had made a widespread

propagation, the Kachins still did not give up their animism. It was observed that

they were not easily converted into Christians.

The following is the list of Christians stated by American Baptist Mission.

Table- XI

List of Christians in (1882-1925)

Years Bhamo Myitkyina Shan State Total

1882-89 58 - - 58

1890-99 142 16 - 158

1900-09 300 156 - 456

1910-19 645 433 224 1302

1920-27 1339 666 1060 2965

1928-31 2484 2463 3100 7947

Sources; Tegenfeldt, 1974,137,138

The table shows that though Bhamo District was the first region for the

Christian missionary, it was in 1931, that the number of Christians in northern

Shan State was rapidly growing. If compared with the Kachin animist, the number

of being converted into Christian was not as high as the number of animists in

only one Hill Tract. So, though Ola Hanson he invented Kachin alphabet, not

every Kachin who read Kachin literature was a Christian. Though many Du-was

were acquainted with Christian, they could not give up the tradition of animism

probably because the animism and the Kachin traditional administration system

were related in many ways. In other words, the Du-was could not renounce the

power they had formerly enjoyed. Another factor was that the British fiercely

killed the Kachin, so the Kachins would not convert themselves into the religion of 139

the British. The Du-was who became Christians, especially of north east Bhamo

and western Shan State, gave priority to education, and only those who passed the

primary and middle school level were appointed to the high position of Taung- ôk.

They were appointed to serve in other areas of Kachin Hill Tracts, which were not

their birthplace. So the Kachins of Kachin Hill Tracts in Bhamo and its environs

became educated persons.

Again, during World War I, many Kachins who served the British army got

killed. In 1917, one corp of Kachin serving in Mesopotamia was a reliable force to

the organized as 3/20th Kachin Rifles Battalion. The Kachin Rifles Battalian was

organized in 1920. In 1921, they had to go in Moplah Operation in Marla bar

Island. Then the Kachin Rifles Battalion was renamed 3/20th Burma Rifles. At that

time, half of the soldiers in that Battalion were the Kachins.61 Till 1929, in Taiping,

they had to serve there under 1/20th Burma Rifles Battalion, and the Battalion had

to come back to Myanmar. In 1930, when the Tharyarwaddy uprising arose, the

3/20th Burma Rifles Battalion had to join the operation. In 1932, the Saya San

Revolution was ended.62 So, the Kachin soldiers who were first organized from

Sinlumkaba Kachin Hill Tracts gained war experience, became more civilized,

educated and cultivated.

On the other side, in Bhamo District, though many Kachins joined the

British army, in Myitkyima District till 1927, the Kachins still made attacks on the

British camps.63 In 1914, when the British drew the boundary map of Kachin state,

the Kachins made an uprising because the boundary was made without having the

Kachins involved. So, in 1927, led by the education officer Maran Robin of

Bhamo District, about 80 Du-was from Bhamo and Myitkyima went to Yangon in

order to make official boundaries of the Kachin State as the duty of the British

61 Enriquez, 1933, 33

62Kachin Military History, 1954, 29

63Enriquez, 1933, 33 140

government. Then the Governor was Sir Harcourt Butler. The boundary that the

Kachin leaders claimed for included Katha District.64 But no reply was given by

the British government, so the claim did not come into effect. It can be said that

claim was the first official non- violence, independence movement of the Kachins.

Until then, the British had not completely occupied all Kachin Hill Tracts.

Especially, no effective administration had reached to Hukawng Valley and the

regions between N'mai Hka and Mali Hka, known as the Triangle Area. In 1925,

Sir Harcourt Butler visited the Hukawng Valley and abolished the Slave System.65

This was meant to undermine the power of the Du-was, because the Kachin Du

was in Hukawng possessed many slaves. In other words, this undermined the

strength of the Kachin Du-was of Hukawng, who first made confrontation against

the British. In 1824, a confrontation with the British government in Assam took

place, and it was only in 1925, that the British could occupy it. Thus, the

revolution took place for a hundred years. So, the British, investing time and

money, freed the slaves in order to undermine the strength of the Du-was. But

from 1928 to 1934, no tax collection was done in Hukawng, but only in 1934-

35.66 In other words, as Kachin Du-was of Hukawng could fight back the colonists

by organizing the Kachins, it was in 1936, that Hukawng completely, fell under

the British.

To sum up, in the sector of administration of the Kachins, the traditional

administration of the chiefs were roughly similar: the ruling was done in the line

of inheritance. But depending on the region, their political concepts were differed.

The region with different political concepts were the Azis and Gauri, who lived in

64Lashi Naw, Rev., Jinghpaw Mung de Hkristan Sasana Shang wa ai lam (The coming of

Christianity to the Kachin's Land), Myitkyina, Hanson Memorial press, 1958, 33 (Henceforth:

Lashi Naw, 1958)

65Enriquez, 1933, 13

66Ma Nawng, 1944, 57 141

Bhamo and Sadon called Sinpraw Ga, Hukawng Tsasen, who lived between

Mogaung and Katha called Htingnai Ga and Northern Shan called Sinli Ga; the

Triangle Area between N'mai Hka and Mali Hka, called Hka Hku Ga. The Du-was

had ruled these regions from generation to generation in the line of ancestry in

those regions. The Kachins are of five races: Marip, Maran, Lahtawng, Lahpai,

and N'hkum. The influential boundary was that of the Marip races: they ruled

Hukawng valley, jade mine and amber mine areas and the region along the west

bank of the Irrawaddy as the powerful race. When the British invaded the

boundary, they first fought against the colonists and were the first to take refuge

under the British rule. The Lahtawng tribes ruled the Triangle Area. When the

British invaded, the other Lahtawng, except the Sana Lahtawng, did not revolt

against the colonists. The Lahpais were the most powerful tribes among the

Kachins. They fought for nearly, throughout the British rule. The Gauri Lahpai,

Sima Lahpai and Azi Lahpai were well known. The Lahpai tribes had influenced

northern Shan State, northeast Bhamo and east west of the Irrawaddy.

During the Myanmar Kings' rule, the Kachin Du-was were called Taung-sa.

The list of Taung-sas acquainted to the Myanmar Kings was submitted by the

former Myanmar Officers recently after the British annexation of Myanmar. The

lists of Taung-sa was concerned with these living in Bhamo and its environs,

Mogaung and environs of the Indawgyi Lake, jade mines and amber mines region.

No contact existed with the Kachins living in Hukawng and the Triangle Area and

along the China border. During the rule of the Myanmar Kings, the Kachin chiefs

were addressed as Taung-sa. They lived according to the tradition of their ancestry.

After 1886, the British organized the regions under the Kachin Taung-sas, the

Kachin Taung-sas from various regions came to take refuge under the British, who

issued official certificates of appointment to those who subjected themselves, and

assigned them to the duties of administration, jurisdiction and tax collection, as

well as the local security duty. They were allowed to continue their administration

as before. 142

So the British waged operation in Kachin hill tracts from 1886 to 1893

during the period of Pacification, and organized one region after another under

their rule and issued certificates of appointment, and assigned duties to those loyal

subjects. On the other hand, they fiercely suppressed the opponents. Then, in

Bhamo District, the Christian missionaries opened missionary school. Especially,

in 1881, the Du-wa and family of Bumwa Village were first converted to

Christians. The American Baptist Mission and Roman Catholic were the first

missionaries. The children of the newly converted Christians studied at the

missionary schools, and got educated. Formerly, the Du-was followed the

traditional administrative pattern, and ruled their own territory, and sometimes

fought in British found the muscles a comfortable. In the administrative pattern,

they has the authority to deal only with minor cases according to the traditional

customs, because in 1895, Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation of 1895 was enacted,

which restricted the authority of the Kachins. The status of the Du-was was similar

to the village headman in mainland Myanmar. What remarkable was that the

Kachins had the Kachin Customary Law according to Kachin Hill Tribes

Regulations in dealing with legal cases. In order to have special administration on

Kachin Hill tribes, the Kachin Hill Central Headquarters was set up in Sinlumkaba.

One assistant hill officer was appointed. Below him was a Taung-ôk, whose duty

was to tour and collect taxes, make a list of dwelling houses in his boundary, and

to make decree on certain cases. In 1911, Bhamo District was divided into

Sinlumkaba and Shwegu Kachin Hill Tracts. Five Taung-ôk were appointed. Also

in Myintkyina District, 6 Kachin Hill Tracts were defined, and Taung-ôks were

appointed in suitable places. Only the literate Du-was were appointed to the

position. So the Kachin Du-was, who were Taung-ôk, had a chance to deal with

the British administrators closely in administration. Moreover, since 1897, the

British organized the Kachins to join and serve the military police. Centering

Sinlumkaba as the first strategic area, the British started organizing the Kachins in

Sinlumkaba and its neighboring areas, and then in Bhamo and its neighboring 143

areas, Myitkyina neighboring areas, and Kachin Hill Tracts. In 1914, during the

World War I, the Kachin military police had to go and to join wars in west Europe.

In 1918, the army returned, with losses of live. The Kachin military police had a

chance to witness the outside world and gained new experiences and knowledge

about how the West Europeans lived and thought. One Kachin Coy. was organized

in the British army. In 1923, though the Diarchy administration was granted to

Lower Myanmar, Kachin Hill Tracts were left out with the excuse of being an

undeveloped territory. The status of the Du-was had remained as before. In 1914,

ignoring the will of the Kachin people, the British defined the territories. This

caused resentment to the Kachins. Led by Du-was of Hukawng, an uprising took

place. Again, in 1927, the Du-was joined hands, and marched to Yangon and

claimed for the official identification of Kachin land. Thus, long before the British

occupation, the Kachin Du-was inherited the positions according to their ancestry,

and ruled their regions in accordance with the Kachin customs. Also under the

British rule, the Du-was were appointed and granted authority for administration,

jurisdiction and tax collection according to the customs. Though other Kachins

might be educated, it was the Du-was only who took the lead in religion, education

and social welfare tasks, and such tasks as led by the Du-was came to be a great

success. CONCLUSION

Kachins before colonial period, lived in the hilly regions of north, northeast and

northwest of Myanmar in small tribal villages. They made their living by shifting

Taungya cultivation. Kachins were guessed to have entered Myanmar about 1st

century and lived in Putao plains. From there, they also lived in triangle areas

between N'maikha and Malikha rivers, to the south. Nearly all Kachin region were

under the rule of Nan Chao during the 8th and 9th centuries. Under Nan Chao's

power, Kachins served in the armed forces, fighting. They settled down at their

present regions, Mohnyin, Mogaung, Bhamo, Myitkyina, Sinbo, north Hsenwi,

Katha and Yunan of China. Kachins who lived in plains, at that time, made their

living as professional soldiers of Shan Sawbwas. Since they had lived in the hilly

triangle areas, Kachins lived and ruled according to their tradition within their

tribes. According to their tradition, they had practised three kinds of administrative

systems. Since the end of 18th century there appeared the system of Gumlau, the

revolt of ordinary people to the traditionally ruled Gumsa Du-wa. But only Gumsa

system was practised for many years. Because of the Gumlau revolt, political

concepts and administrative systems within Kachins differed. Some Gumsa Du-wa

of triangle area were found to have reached Hukawng and Assam. However,

Gumsa system only was practised as the most practical Kachin traditional

administrative system till 1960. All of Kachins political and administrative

policies were based on the Gumsa's political concepts and ideas were found out.

The British annexed Upper Myanmar then they occupied Bhamo. They

tried to occupy Mogaung via Bhamo. The British tried to occupy Bhamo and

Mogaung that they were confronted with the resistance of the Kachins for the first 145

time. Though the British wanted to solve the conflict politically, the local national

patriots took to arms and fought them back. Such resistance spread since early

1886. The British tried to suppress by force columns were sent every winter. But

they usually met the resistance of the Kachins. Since early 1886 till 1888, there

took place the most fierce battles. So Mogaung was successfully occupied only in

1888. The jade mines were organized since 1888 into the British occupation via

the Du-was of the mines. Moreover, the battles against the Shan, Kachin and

Bamar in 1888 were the most fierce and in maximun numbers. A fortress was built

in Bhamo, a stronghold was made in Mogaung, and the environs were occupied. In

1888-89, the Kachin races in the environs of Mogaung, namely Lahpai, Azi,

Lahtawng and Maran, were suppressed. The relatives were arrested and the

villages were destroyed. Losses on both sides took place. So the British sought for

political means. But till 1890-91, the administration over Kachin hills had not been

effective. Suppressing the revolutionists meant a kind of punishment. So the

British government issued certificates and guns to the Du-was and assigned them

the duties of tax collection, jurisdiction and administration. In order to implement

such policies, since 1891-92, columns were sent. In winter of 1891-92, four

columns were sent. Fortresses were built in China borderline. In 1894-95, the

Kachin Hill regions in Bhamo were placed under the British administration. In

1895, new Myitkyina District was founded. The Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation of

1895 was enacted, thus establishing the British administration over the Kachin Hill

Regions. So in 1897, the suppressions of the Kachins had almost been completed.

In that year, the Sinlumkaba was firstly opened as the Kachin Hill Region

Administration Headquarter, where one Taung-ôk was appointed. Since 1897,

Kachins were organized to serve the British army. But Hukaung and the Triangle

Area were not yet occupied. In 1914, Putao region was occupied, and a fortress,

Fort Hertz was strongly built. Since 1922, 9 Kachin Hill Region Administration

boundaries were defined, and the British administration over the Kachins began. It 146

was only in 1930, that the triangle area was occupied. So the administration

system and boundary over Hukaung and the Triangle region were defined, and the

administration began in 1934-35.

The jurisdiction and revenue collection related to the Kachins, the Kachin

Du-wa had no authority to directly judge cases like a judge. In jurisdiction, the

Salang council, whom the Du-was consulted with made judgments. But there were

no records like the Da-mma-thats. Mostly in jurisdiction, arbitration was common

over the quarrel or dispute among individuals or groups, and they worked together

to settle the case. As fine, property of high value called Hpaga was to be paid for

settlement of the case. The value of Hpaga as well as its number, varied according

to the cases, light or severe. The guilty ones were not sentenced to imprisonment.

But they were confined either in the duty of Hka or being made a social outcast or

in a kind of houses imprisonment. Hpaga to be paid according to ancestry of

chiefs, ordinary class and class of servant as a compensation also varied. In

criminal cases, murder was the highest crime, and such a case was judged

according to classes. When a member of Du-wa ancestry happened to got killed,

100 kinds of Hpaga were to be paid. Though a Du-wa was powerful in law and

order in the region, they played only a few roles in jurisdiction. In order to subject

the Kachins, the British organized the opponents. In every region under their

influence, regional security, jurisdiction and revenue collection were mainly done.

Jurisdiction and administration were not separated, but policies for the effiency

and reduction of expenses were laid down. Resistances were suppressed and

punished in the form of fine. Thus, the Kachin Hill regions were ruled by the

military administration from 1886 to 1893. The Du-wa who did not serve the

British was replaced by those who would be loyal to them in the form of letter of

appointment. They had to do regional security, jurisdiction and revenue collection.

In 1895, the Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation was enacted, and the cases of

Kachin Hill region were judged in accordance with the Regulation. Especially, 147

concerning the civil law cases, the British appointed Du-was were assigned

authority according to the Kachin customs. So under the British rule, the

Jurisdiction of the Kachin Hill region was different from the plains land. The

officers serving duties in Kachin Hill regions had the authority to judge according

to the Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation. The Kachin Du-was, Taung-ôk and the

district officers had no authority to judge the cases of the non-Kachins, but only

minor cases of the Kachins according to the Kachin customs. A guilty criminal

was to make a pledge to stay well within 3 years, and if he broke the pledge, the

deputy commissioner's office sentenced him to imprisonment.

Before the British rule, revenues were collected by the Du-was in the

regions where they exerted their influence. Basically, agriculture was the main

livelihood, the revenue was only in the form of crops, especially the paddy, and

was to be paid once a year. During the reign of Myanmar kings, the Kachin Du

was in Mogaung, Mohnyin and the surrounding areas of the Indawgyi Lake

presented local products to the Myanmar officers who made a visit, while the

Myanmar officers returned silk longyis and silk wares. The local people paid crops

revenue: one family supplied paddy a year, while one or two groups of terrace

farmers supplied paddy in baskets to the Du-was. Moreover, they had to contribute

voluntary labour in building the house of a Du-wa or in his farmland for

cultivation. There were two types of Du-wa: a thing eating Du-wa, revenue

collecting Du-wa and the Du-wa , not collecting any revenue. This defined the

status of Du-wa. Moreover, there were two kinds of administration system, namely

Gumsa and Gumlau, the former being in the line of inheritance according to

ancestry, to whom other races had to supply revenues. In Gumlau system, none

was to pay revenue. But there were very few regions where that system took place.

However, in the regions with a Gumlau system, there took place the Gumsa

system through time and changes. Nevertheless, paying revenues to the Du-was

reflected the mutual relationship. While the Du-was collected the revenue, they 148

were responsible for giving protection to those who paid revenues. Moreover,

there existed mutual reliance between those living in hilly regions and those living

in the Delta region.

Under the British rule, the officers concerned issued orders suitable for the

region at in the farmer revenue rate and form as in Myanmar Kings, and collected

revenues. In Bhamo, the Tha-tha-me-dha revenue was collected, while in villages

outside Bhamo, the village headmen took 10% commission, and supplied the

revenue to the town governor of Bhamo. During the Myanmar Kings, Tha-tha-me

dha revenue was collected in Bhamo and Shweku in the form of baskets of paddy.

In Kachin Hill region to the north east of Bhamo, the Du-was collected the

revenues in the form of tributes. Just as the British came in, the same form of

revenues continued. The Tha-tha-me-dha was collected at kyats 10 per family,

while the people of Kachin Hill regions could afford to pay kyats 5, and the people

of some regions could pay only kyats 2 and 8 pès. The village headmen took 10%

commission. So under the British rule, the Tha-tha-me-dha collected in plains land

areas was a kind of revenue on dwelling house while the revenue collected in

Kachin Hill regions was a kind of tributes. Such tributes were collected with the

aid of Taung-ôk by the assistant deputy commissioner. The Tha-tha-me-dha

revenue and the revenue on the tributes were not fixed. During the British rule,

revenues existed in the following: Tha-tha-me-dha, tributes, land, fishery, opium

and excise. Moreover, income revenues were obtained concerning jade. Formerly,

the jade mine areas were under the rule of the Kansi Du-wa. So all the revenues

concerning the jade mine areas went to the Kansi Du-wa, who collected revenues

on the jade mines via the Maw-ôk and the Maw-htein. Below the Du-wa were

junior Du-was called Paw-maing, who did not need to pay revenues to the Du-was.

In jade trading, the Man-hu-man-tha revenue was to be paid to the Du-wa. Since

1898, the Maw-ôk and Maw-htein did not supply the revenues to the Kansi Du-was,

but to the British government. The British returned 10% commission to the Maw-149

ôk and the Maw-htein. Thus, the British paid only in terms of Khaing-sar, and not

in the form of salary. In Hukawng Valley region, it was only since 1934, that the

tributes revenue was first collected.

In the sector of administration of the Kachins, the traditional of

administration of the chiefs were roughly similar: the ruling was done in the line

of inheritance. But depending on the region, their political concepts differed.

During the rule of the Myanmar Kings, the Kachin chiefs were addressed as

Taung-sa. They lived according to the tradition of their ancestry. After 1886, the

British organized the regions under the Kachin Taung-sas, the Kachin Taung-sas

from various regions came to take refuge under the British, who issued official

certificates of appointment to those who subjected themselves, and assigned them

to the duties of administration, jurisdiction and tax collection, as well as the local

security duty. They were allowed to continue their administration as before.

So the British waged operation in Kachin hill tracts from 1886 to 1893

during the period of Pacification, and organized one region after another under

their rule and issued certificates of appointment, and assigned duties to those loyal

subjects. Then, in Bhamo District, the Christian missionaries opened missionary

school. Especially, in 1881, the Du-wa and family of Bumwa Village were first

converted to Christians. The American Buptist Mission and Roman Catholic were

the first missionaries. The children of the newly converted Christians studied at

the missionary schools, and got educated. In the administrative pattern, they had

the authority to deal only with minor cases according to the traditional customs,

because in 1895, Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation of 1895 was enacted, which

restricted the authority of the Kachins. The status of the Du-was was similar to the

village headman in mainland Myanmar. What remarkable was that the Kachins

had the Kachin Customary Law according to Kachin Hill Tribes Regulations in

dealing with legal cases. In order to have special administration on Kachin Hill

tribes, the Kachin Hill Central Headquarters was set up in Sinlumkaba. One 150

assistant hill officer was appointed. Below him was a Taung-ôk, whose duty was

to tour and collect taxes, make a list of dwelling houses in his boundary, and to

make decree on certain cases. In 1911, Bhamo District was divided into

Sinlumkaba and Shwegu Kachin Hill Tracts. Five Taung-ôk were appointed. Also

in Myintkyina District, 6 Kachin Hill Tracts were defined, and Taung-ôks were

appointed in suitable places. Only the literate Du-was were appointed to the

position. So the Kachin Du-was, who were Taung-ôk, had a chance to deal with

the British administrators closely in administration. Moreover, since 1897, the

British organized the Kachins to join and serve the military police. Centering

Simlunkaba as the first strategic area, the British started organizing the Kachins.

During the World War I, the Kachin military police had to go and to join wars in

west Europe. In 1918, the army returned, with losses of live. The Kachin military

police had a chance to witness the outside world and gained new experiences and

knowledge about how the West Europeans lived and thought. In 1923, though the

Dyarchy administration was granted to Lower Myanmar, Kachin Hill Tracts were

left out with the excuse of being an undeveloped territory. The status of the Du

was had remained as before. In 1914, ignoring the will of the Kachin people, the

British defined the territories. This caused resentment to the Kachins. Led by Du

was of Hukawng, an uprising took place. Again, in 1927, the Du-was joined hands,

and marched to Yangon and claimed for the official identification of Kachin land.

Thus, long before the British occupation, the Kachin Du-was inherited the

positions according to their ancestry, and ruled their regions in accordance with

the Kachin customs. Also under the British rule, the Du-was were appointed and

granted authority for administration, jurisdiction and tax collection according to

the customs. Though other Kachins might be educated, it was the Du-was only

who took the lead in religion, education and social welfare tasks.Maps 152

Map (1)

Map of the Northern Myanmar

Source: Tegenfeldt, 1974, 21 153

Map (2)

Map of the Kachin Hills Area

Source: Leach,

1964, 31Photographs 155

Photo (1)

Kachin Du-was met with Governor Sir Hercourt Butler at Rangoon in 1924

Source: From Branghpa Collections

Photo (2)

Troops of Namhkek Du-wa's personal body guard

Source: From Branghpa Collections Appendix-I

APPOINTMENT ORDER OF KACHIN HEADMAN

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . .. . . . . . son of . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . .. . . . . .

of the tribe . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . .. . . . . .sub-tribe . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . .. . . . . .

. . . . . . . . . .. . . . . .. . . . . . and clan . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . .is hereby appointed

of the area . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . contained within boundaries noted on the

reverse and abutting on---

the . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .jurisdiction on the . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

the . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .jurisdiction on the . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

the . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .jurisdiction on the . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

the . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .jurisdiction on the . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

The following villages situated within the tract are under his jurisdiction:---

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

The Duwas of the following village groups are also subordinate ti him-----

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

He is hereby directed to pay into the . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

the tax due from his villages before the 1st of December in each year.

He must make all necessary roads in his jurisdiction and must keep them

open and fit fir fartific. 157

The number of arms to be held within his jurisdiction is as follows:-

Name of village.

Total

number

of guns.

Distinguishing marks of the

guns.

Dated----------------------------

Deputy Commissioner

Source: Kachin Hill Manual, 1906, 65-66 158

Appendix-II

REGULATION No. I OF 1895

The Kachin Hill-tribes Regulation

[N.B.--- The Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation, as amended, applies to the

Kachin Hill Tracts of the Myitkyina, Bhamo and Katha Districts, the Kachin area

of North Hsenwi and the Kachin and Palaung areas of Mongmit.]

Whereas it is expedient to declare the law applicable to the hill-tribes in the

Kachin Hill-Tracts of Upper Burma: it is hereby enacted as follows:-

CHAPTER I

Preliminary.

1. Title, commencement and extent.---(1) This Regulation may be called the

Kachin Hill-Tribes Regulation, 1895.

(2) It shall come into force on such date as the Local Government, by

notification in the Burma Gazette, may appoint.

(3) It shall extend to such hill-tracts and shall apply to such hill-tribes as the

Local Government, subject to the control of the Governor-General in Council may

from time to time by notification in the Burma Gazette, direct and section 11 shall

also apply to all persons who may be parties to a suit or other proceeding of a civil

nature in which any of the parties is a member of a hill tribe to which this

Regulation applies, and sections 15, 18 A, 20A, 21 and 32 A shall apply to all

persons within a hill-tract.

2. Definition- In this Regulation--

(1) ''hill-tract" means any hill –tract to which this Regulation has been

extended:

(2) ''hill-tract" means any hill –tract to which this Regulation has been

applicable:

(3) "clan" means any subdivision or section of a hill-tribes:

(4) "headman" means the chief or head of any hill-tribes or clean or village, or

group of clans or villages, and includes a Du-wa and an Akyi;

(5) "Assistant Commissioner" includes any officer whom the Local

Government may invest with the powers of an Assistant Commissioner

under this Regulation.

Source: Handbook for C.A.S Officer, 1945, 11159

Appendix-III

[Annexure C].

KACHIN TRACTS

Bhamo and Myitkyina, for the purpose of making a list of Kachin villages,

may be divided into the following tracts;---

I. ----Enclosed by the Paungnet and Setkala chaungs and the main

Irrawaddy. This is the low-lying part of the Shwegu township and

practically contains no Kachin villages.

II. ----Enclosed as follows:---

North. --- By the Irrawaddy,

East.---- By the Sinkan chaung,

West.--- By the Paungnet chaung and Möng Mit border,,

South. --- By the Möng Mit border,

III. ----Enclosed as follows:---

North. --- A line drawn from the junction of the Nahu with the Sinkan

chaung to the village of Mansi at the extremity of the Hopôn

Homa ridge.

East.---- Thence along the west face of the ridge to the base of the

Loichow peak.

South. --- the Möng Mit boundary.

West.--- By the Sinkan chaung from its source to the point where the

Nahu flows into it.

IV. ----Enclosed as follows:---

North. --- The Irrawaddy.

East.---- The Moyu chaung from its mouth up to the village of Mansi. 160

South. --- A line drawn from Mansi to the junction of the Nahu with

the Sinkan chaung.

West.--- Thence Sinkan chaung from its mouth up to the village of

Nanmapwè.

V. ----Enclosed as follows:---

North. --- The Theinlin chaung from its mouth up to the village of

Nanmapwè.

East.---- The road from Nanmapwè to Mansi.

South. --- The Moyu chaung from Mansi its mouth.

West.--- The Irrawaddy.

VI. ----Enclosed as follows:---

North. --- The Tapin chaung from the village of Myothit to its mouth.

East.---- A line drawn from Myothit on the Tapin to Nanmapwè on the

Theinlin chaung skirting the base of the hills.

South. --- The Theinlin chaung from Nanmapwè to its mouth.

West.--- The Irrawaddy.

VII. ----Enclosed as follows:---

North. --- From Nanmapwè up the Theinlin chaung to its source near

the village of Lataw, east of Warabôn.

East and South.---- Thence on due south to the Namwan, the Chinese

frontier up to the Loichow peak.

West.--- Along the Hopn-Homa ridge due north to the village of Mansi;

thence the road from Mansi to Nanmapwè.

VIII. ----Enclosed as follows:---

North. --- The Namsiri chaung from the spot where the east boundary

of Tract No.VI cuts it to its source; thence along the Mantein

kha to its junction with the Namwan.

East.---- The Namwan .

South.---The north boundary of Tract No. VII. 161

West.--- The east boundary of Tract No. VI from the village of

Nanmapwè to the place where it meets the Namsiri chaung.

IX. ----Enclosed as follows:---

North. --- The Nantabet chaung from its source to its junction with

the Tapin; thence along the Tapin to Myothit.

East.---- The frontier.

South.---The Mantein and Namsiri chaungs.

West.--- The eastern boundary of Tract No. VI.

X.

----Enclosed as follows:---

North. --- The Tapin chaung from Myothit upwards.

East.---- The frontier.

South and West.---The Nantabet chaung.

XI. ----Enclosed as follows:---

North. --- The Alawpum ridge.

East.---- The Nampaung.

South --- The Tapin from the spot where the Nampaung joins it down to

Mannaung.

West.---The Namsan chaung from its source at the foot of the Alawpum

peak to Mannaung.

XII. ----Enclosed as follows:---

North. --- The Tali chaung from its source at the base of Alawpum to

its junction with the Molè.

East.---- The Alawpum peak and Namsan chaung down to Mannaung.

South --- The Tapin from Mannaung down to its mouth.

West.---The Irrawaddy and the Molè from its mouth up to the point

where the Tali chaung flows into it.

XIII. ----Enclosed as follows:---

North. --- The Molè chaung.

East.---- The frontier.

South --- The Tali chaung.

West.---The Molè chaung .162

XIV. ----Enclosed as follows:---

North. --- The Namsan chaung from its source down to Kau.

East.---- The frontier.

South --- The Molè chaung as far down as Manmaü.

West.---The road from Kau to Manmaü.

XV. ----Enclosed as follows:---

North. --- The road from Manmaü to Kau; thence the Namsan to its

mouth.

East and South.---- The Molè chaung from Manmaü to its mouth.

West.---The Irrawaddy.

XVI. ----Enclosed as follows:---

North and East. --- The Nammali from its source near Pumlôn to is

mouth.

South --- The Namsan chaung from its source near Pumlôn to is mouth.

West.---The Irrawaddy.

XVII. ----Enclosed as follows:---

North. --- The Nantabet from the point where the Paknoi flows into it

down to its mouth.

East.---- The Paknoi chaung from its source at the foot of Loilyeppum

to its junction with the Nantabet.

South --- The frontier from Loilyeppum as far as the source of the

Nammali; thence along the Nammali to its mouth.

West.---The Irrawaddy.

XVIII. ----Enclosed as follows:---

North. --- The Nantabet from the point where the Paknoi meets it up

one of its sources to the foot of Nlaopum; thence along the

ridge to Sabupum.

East.---- The frontier from Sabupum down along the Long Chein kha

to Loilyeppum.

South and West. --- The Paknoi kha. 163

XIX. ----Enclosed as follows:---

North. --- Natmyin chaung from its mouth to Loisaw; thence a line

drawn through Hpong to the elvow of the Namli where it

takes its bend to the east.

East.---- A line drawn from the elbow of the Namli south to Aokye

and thence down the Lima kha stream to the Nantabet.

South --- The Nantabet from this point to its mouth.

West.---The Irrawaddy.

XX. ----Enclosed as follows:---

North. --- The Namli from its source at the foor of Sabupum to its

elbow.

East and South.---- The north boundary of Tract No. XVIII.

West.---The east boundary of Tract No. XIX.

XXI. ----Enclosed as follows:---

North. --- The N'mai kha from the mouth of the Tumpang kha to the

confluence.

East.---- The Tumpang kha to the point where the Namli joins it;

thence up the Namli to its elbow where it turns east.

South --- The north boundary of Tract No. XIX.

West.---The Irrawaddy.

XXII. ----Enclosed as follows:---

North. --- A line drawn east and west through Kumpipum.

East.---- The frontier.

South --- The north boundary of Tract No. XX.

West.--- The east boundary of Tract No. XXI.

XXIII. ----The triangle included by ---

North. --- The road from Myitkyina to Mogaung vid Nati.

East.---- The Irrawaddy.

West.--- The Mogaung chaung from Mogaung to its mouth. 164

XXIV. ----Enclosed as follows:---

North. --- A line drawn from Hpatin on the first defile due west to

meet the Mosit chaung.

East and South.---- The Irrawaddy from Hpatin down to the mouth of

the Mosit chaung.

West.--- The Mosit chaung from where the north boundary intersects

it to its mouth.

XXV. ----Enclosed as follows:---

North. --- The Namkhantet chaung from its source near Maikôn to its

mouth.

East.---- The Irrawaddy from the mouth of the Namkhantet chaung to

Hpatin.

South --- The north boundary of Tract No. XXIV.

West.--- A line drawn from the point where the south boundary

intersects the Mosit up the watershed between the Kaukkwe

and the Irrawaddy as far north as Maikôn.

XXVI. ----Enclosed as follows:---

North and East.. --- The Mogaung chaung from the point where the

Namyin chaung enters it down to its mouth; thence along

the Irrawaddy to the mouth of the Namkhantet chaung.

South --- The Namkhantet chaung from its mouth to its source near

Tapang; thence along the watershed between the Kaukkwe

and the Irrawaddy, following its windings as far west as

the source of the Namhtan chaung, which forms the

boundary with Katha; thence along the boundary to the

junction of the Namkhwan with the Namyin..

West.--- The Namyin chaung from this point to its mouth. 165

XXVII.

----Enclosed as follows:---

North and East.. --- The Mogaung chaung from the point where

the Namyin chaung enters it down to its mouth; thence

along the Irrawaddy to the mouth of the Namkhantet

chaung.

South --- The Namkhantet chaung from its mouth to its source

near Tapang; thence along the watershed between the

Kaukkwe and the Irrawaddy, following its windings as far

west as the source of the Namhtan chaung, which forms

the boundary with Katha; thence along the boundary to

the junction of the Namkhwan with the Namyin..

West.--- The Namyin chaung from this point to its mouth.

XXVIII.

----The triangle enclosed between ---

West. --- The Kaukkwe from its source to Migè.

South. --- The North boundary of Tract No. XXVII from Migè to

the point where the Kaya range intersects the watershed

between the Kaukkwe and the Irrawaddy.

East.---The watershed between the Kaukkwe and Irrawaddy from

the point where the Kaya range intersects it to the source

of the Kaukkwe.

XXIX. ----Enclosed as follows:---

This tract is now included in the Katha District.

XXX. ----The triangle included between ---

East. --- The Kaukkwe chaung from its source to the mouth of the

Namhtan chaung.

South. --- The Namhtan chaung from its mouth to its source in the

watershed between the Kaukkwe and Namyin.

West.--- The watershed from this point north-east to the source of the

Kaukkwe. 166

XXXI. ----Enclosed as follows:---

North --- A line drawn from Shwedwin to the south extremity of

Lake Indawgyi and continued thence to Nyaungbintha on the

Namyin.

East--- The Namyin chaung.

South and West. --- The Katha and Upper Chindwin boundaries.

XXXII. ----Enclosed as follows:---

North --- The Mogaung chaung from Kamaing to the mouth of the

Namyin.

East--- The Namyin from its mouth to Nyaungbintha to the south

extremity of Lake Indawgyi.

West. --- The eastern shore of Lake Indawgyi; thence along the

Indawgyi chaung to Kamaing.

XXXIII. ----Enclosed as follows:---

North. --- A line drawn from Haungpa to the north extremity of

Lake Indawgyi.

East--- The western shores of Lake Indawgyi.

South. --- A line drawn from the south extremity of Lake Indawgyi

to Shwedwin.

West. --- The Upper Chindwin boundary.

XXXIV---- The Jade Mines tracts bounded on the --

North. ---

East--- The Namkhaung or Mogaung chaung as far as Kamaing.

South. --- The north boundary of Tract No. XXXIIII.

West. --- The Upper Chindwin boundary. 167

XXXV---- The Thama tract bounded on the --

West and South. --- By the Mogaung chaung.

East.--- By the Nweni chaung from its mouth to its source at the foot

of Shwedaunggyi; thence along the Kumôn range which

forms the watershed between Tanaiku and the Upper

Irrawaddy (Mali kha).

North. --- By a line drawn from Laban due east to the Kumôn range.

XXXVI. ---Enclosed as follows:---

West. --- By the Kumôn range.

South.--- By the Nweni chaung.

East.--- By the Nanti chaung.

North. --- By a line from the Hupôn range in continuation

of the North boundary of Tract No. XXXV to the source of

the Nanti chaung.

XXXVII. ---- Enclosed as follows:---

North. --- A line drawn from the source of the Nanti chaung to the

confluence.

East--- The Irrawaddy from the confluence to Myitkyina.

South. --- The road from Myitkyina to the Nati chaung.

West. --- The Nati chaung from the point where the road crosses it to

its source.

XXXVIII--- The tract enclosed between the Mali kha and the N'mai kha.

XXXIX. --- Enclosed as follows:---

West. --- By the Kumôn range.

South. --- By the north boundaries of Tracts No. XXXVI and XXXVII.

East--- By the Mali kha.

XL. ---- The Hukong Valley.

Source: Kachin Hill Manual, 1906, 56, 62 BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Hertz, W.A, Burma Gazetteer, Myitkyina District, Vol.A, Rangoon, Government

Printing and Stationary, 1960

Leach, E.R, Political Systems of Highland Burma, Great Britain, Fletch & Son

Co.Ltd., 1964

Ma Nawng, Kawlu, The History of Kachin of the Hukawng Valley, translated and

noted by J.L, Bombay, Time of India Press, 1944

Robert and Betty Morse, Rawang Migration Routes and Oral Tradition,

M.A(Thesis), Ascona, Switzerland, 1965

Sai Aung Tun, History of The Shan State from its Origins to 1962, Bangkok, O.S

Printing House, 2009

Sir Charles Crosthwaite, The Pacification of Burma, London, Frank Cass & Co.

Ltd, 1968

Stevenson, H.N.C, The Hill People of Burma, London, Longman and Green, 1954 172

Tegenfeldt , H.G, A Century of Growth: The Kachin Baptish Church of Burma,

California, William Carey Library, 1974

Woodman, Dorothy, The Making of Burma, London, Cresset Press, 1962

Books Published in Kachin

Brang Di, Maran, Prat Ningnan Wunpawng Ahtik Labau Kadun (Modern History

of Kachin) New Delhi, Pan Kachin Development Society, 1996

Bunghku, Jinghpaw the Ginra( Jinghpaw and Place), Myitkyina, Computer

Script , 2009

Htoisan, Dakkasu, Ka-chin Toe-ei English-Nay-che San-kyin-yay Tik-pwe

( Kachin Nationalist's anti- imperialist Campaigns), May Offset, Yangon,

2002

Lashi Naw, Rev., Jinghpaw Mung de Hkristan Sasana Shang wa ai lam (The

coming of Christianity to the Kachin's Land), Myitkyina, Hanson Memorial

Press, 1958

Lawang Li, Jinghpaw Wunpawng sha ni nga yu hkrat wa ai Ahtick Labau, in

Kachin (Migration of Jinghpaw Tribes), Myitkyina, Hanson Memorial

Press, 1980

Naw Awn, Thing Bai, Ginru Ginsa ( the Origin of Kachin), Maymyo, Typescript,

1956

Sum Du Sinwa, Dureng Labau, ( History of Dureng Clan), Myitkyina, Jinghpaw

Kasa Press,1996

Sumlut Gam, Wunpawng Htunghking Labau Laika, (History of Kachin Culture),

Myitkyina, Jinghpaw Kasa Press, 1982

The Kachin Military History, the Army Military Pensioners Ex-servicemen's

Association, Bhamo, 1954

Zau Rip, Wa Baw, Jinghpaw Mung the Ngai (I and Kachin State), Myitkyina,

Jinghpaw Kasa Press, 2001 173

Journal

Tin Maung Yin, U, "A-htat Myan-mar-naing-ngan-ko British-to Thein-yu-pee

noat Taung-tan-day-tha-myae-ko Thein-thwin Khae-pon," Literary and

Social-science Journal, Vol.II, No.3, September 1969

Newspaper

Jinghpaw Shilaika, 1914-27, Braughpa Collection

List of Interviewees

No. Name Age Address Date of Interview

1. U La Hung Haung

Lum (inventor of

Lhovo Literature)

75 Waingmaw 10 August, 2009

2. U Lamaung Hkaung

Haung

75 Khyunpintha,

Myitkyina

2 September , 2009

3. Law Hkum Lu 70 Kachin-su,

Myitkyina

20 April, 2010

4.

Du-wa Shadan Naw 75 Kchin-su,

Myitkyina

10 May, 2010

5. Nang Zing Htoi Wa 77 Du Kahtaung,

Myitkyina

20 April, 2011

6. Lazing Bu 95 Janmai Kawng,

Myitkyina

5 May, 2011

7. Galau Bawm Swa

(Daughter of Htaw

Gaw Taung-ok Galau

Chang Bawm)

70 Sitapru, Myitkyina 20 June, 2013