KIO's representatives and Kachin Alliance's Gum San visited the White House today to update US leaders and officials on current peace process. Deputy head of KIO's foreign department Col La Aung also met with Assistant Secretary Malinowski at the State Department.
KIO's representatives and Kachin Alliance's Gum San visited the White House today
Mungdan Lu Mayu ai amyu Rai Yang Wunpawng Party kaw Bang Ga! Kaga Myu hte rau jawm Nga mayu yang Kaga Party hte Matut ai Party kaw Bang ga! 2015 November election gaw Wunpawng Myu Sha Yawng hpa ra sharawng ai hpe chye lu na aten rai na re. Wunpawng Ginra hta Maigan wa hpe sa up hkang shangun na kun???Wunpawng Amyu sha up hkang na kun??Mung shawa masha ni daw dan na aten Rai sai.
Moi an hte Dapba 2,Hugawng pa ,Awnglawt Lapran tsang jawng e lung nga ai ten.....
Ya du kaba rai nga ai...MDY ...Engineer jawng yu ..
Du.Wana Yaw htung an hte hpe lakjet jaw ai....
Hpaji ngu gaw Gara kaw mi sharin la sharin la,Wa lawng kaw myi sharin la la,Wutdek nta kaw wa mi sharin la la,,,
Chye la na matu ahkyak madung re nga ai...
''Ga'' dai ni du hkra naw matsing da nngai...Dai ga si a majaw mung an hte Ba 2 na jawng ma ni ram ram nyam ai hpe mu lu ai. Ma ni e nan hte mung hkum myit daw mu...hpaji ngu gaw chye la na ahkyak re...
hpe Hpaw let laika sharin ya nga sai raitim Jawng gawk langai kaw Laika kanu langai lahkawng hpe sha jawm pawng lang nna penchyang,white board ni a malai gaw sumla kaw mu lu ai hku naw rai nna Jawng lahkawng hta Jawng ma 300 daram nga nna Sr/Srnum 18 hte nhkum nzup ntai nmai raitim Sharin hpang nga sai lam chye ai ai. .
KIO leaders and local education committee officials on Friday officially opened Maija Yang College in KIO-controlled city located in Burma-China border. Maj. General Sumlut Gun Maw, KIA’s deputy chief of staff, cut the ribbon during the opening ceremony. KIO central committee members, KIA’s 3rd Brigade Commander Col. Maran Tawng La, Director of Maija Yang College Sara Kum Shawng, Principle of Institute of Education Dr. Lahpai Hkun Seng, local religious leaders and hundreds of Maija Yang residents attended Friday’s opening ceremony.
Maija Yang College was founded as the need arise for the students in KIO-controlled area. Students who passed the matriculation exam in KIO-controlled area have been banned from continuing further education in Burmese government controlled cities since the renewed war began in June 2011.
Another college in Maija Yang, Maija Yang Institute of Education (Maija Yang Amyusha Hpaji Dakkasu), was established in Sept 2004 with the support of KIO’s Education Department. The process of becoming Maija Yang Institute of Education has been long since it started as a Teacher Training School in 1997. The School was later named Maija Yang Teacher Training College in 2008 and subsequently Maija Yang Institute of Education in 2014 focusing on training new school teachers.
Maija Yang Institute of Education is currently offering a number of courses including Pre-College program, Diploma in Education, Diploma in English and Postgraduate diploma in Education. Currently, over 200 students from Kachin and Shan State have enrolled in different programs offered at Maija Yang Institute of Education.
Update: Some information has been amended. Earlier version of this story indicated Maija Yang College as the same as Maija Yang Institute of Education.
Amu gun manang salang Hkanhpa Tu Sadan shang lawm bawngban da ai Frontline Club na panel discussion re.
From Military Rule to Democracy: The Changing Face of Myanmar?
Frontline Club: London
Naga a small Nation s fighting two nations burma and india for the right to exist the Naga Nation. We love peace,respect coexistence,accept every right of every people,and recognize every one's sovereign being. We against the oppressors and forceful occupiers. We Naga might look small Nation but we will never afraid to stand on the truth and the rights. We Naga will never surrender to any one for what we are fighting is the truth,not a lie. burmese and indian proclaim Naga are burmese /indian people,ethnic,minority,indigenous people, their blood group,their family,these and those saying,is a lie. Their intension is clear to enslave Naga under their control. Naga is not burmese nor indian. Not their ethnic nor minority,Naga is a Naga Nation we might look small or big it doesn't devalue of our Nation Status. Our land is bigger than Israel,Singapore,East Timor, Taiwan,so on. How and why the people of the world are so foolish to believe burmese and indian's lies.
A surprising sequel to the midnight coup of 12 August that removed Union Speaker Shwe Man from the USDP chairmanship was a wholesale reassignment of mid-ranking and senior military officers to state and party posts. A number of them will also be running for elections. It is likely that this was part of a ‘package’ rather than a consequence of that coup. The total number of officers is said to be around 200, with ranks stretching from major to lieutenant general. The posts vacated in the armed forces organizational structure have been filled and there is renewed speculation about who the next C-in-C could be. Needless to say, all this has an important bearing upon the country’s immediate and post-elections future.
Myanmar is no stranger to reshuffles and transfers to civil positions, including before the 2010 elections, but never on this scale. It is possible that the intense rivalries and divisions within the ruling establishment had precipitated this move. And there is an unwritten rule that a new C-in-C has to be appointed five years before his retirement, and this has to coincide with the President’s term of office. The clear intention and result of the recent mass redeployment is a reassertion of the military’s presence and authority in the state and political edifices (which are already heavily dominated by the military). But it is also a statement of unhappiness at the power struggle between the two former generals Shwe Man and Thein Sein, whose days are now numbered. It is in addition a generational move, with new batches moving up, as happens in the armed forces.
There is a certain amount of interest, understandably, in the implications of all this. Two appointments have some significance: Air Force General Khin Aung Myint has been appointed Joint Services Coordinator, said to be the No.3 post in the armed forces hierarchy. In the past only army generals have held this post. In the second instance, the defence portfolio has been given to Lt-Gen Sein Win, said to be a well-regarded officer. Previously this post was seen as superfluous and the defence minister something of a non-entity. In themselves these steps are too little and it is yet a bit early to gauge the extent of professionalization and modernization, not to mention de-politicization. One could perhaps only say that the process has begun.
Some observers also welcome the confirmation of Gen Soe Win as Deputy C-in-C. (He had briefly been O.C. Northern Command in Myitkyina). Like Sein Win, he is said to be a professional soldier and ‘clean’. But this was said about Thein Sein too. A lot of people in politics talk about a ‘return to the barracks’ and about which military leader would be more favourably disposed towards democracy and democratic leaders. I think this is far too simplistic. I have said that the Myanmar armed forces have traditionally taken on a double role (the ‘dwifungsi’ in the former Indonesian military) but had not succeeded in either sphere. The present imperceptible movement could be an indication that the Myanmar generals present and former have realized this (without admitting it) and are concentrating on rebuilding military capabilities per se. For this to happen smoothly they have taken on multiple layers of protection – the USDP (and allied parties), the government executive, a chunk of Parliament and various intellectuals. The Thein Sein ‘reforms’ have hooked many from the international community and brought in accolades and resources, as well as an important rethink of relations with the Myanmar military. I would say that in this first term, the military has done quite well in that regard – at least in the physical or hardware part. But domestically it is a different story – continued hostilities, delayed ceasefire process, obstructing the constitutional amendments and heightened unpopularity. Concomitant with the wholesale military transfers has been the strong emergence of colour ribbons movements against militarization of government ministries.
For the military’s corporate makeover to continue, the protective canopy has to be maintained and strengthened. It is also dependent on Myanmar’s democratic transition making progress. It has to be mentioned that all this does not discount future scenarios where the military has to answer for war crimes and gross human rights abuses. With regard to the Nation-wide Ceasefire Agreement, the military leadership may be uncertain about its merits and possible drawbacks. But Thein Sein needs the NCA desperately, and the present promotion campaign is aimed at the military audience too.
The Myanmar military has made its move and is preparing for the next phase, which will follow the elections and the possibly partial NCA. In full awareness of the national nature of these and other undertakings, all other stakeholders should be equally prepared too.
The author, Dr. Khin Zaw Win, is director and founder of the Tampadipa Institute in Yangon.
************************************** Hpa rai Myit hkrum ai Ya Balawng hte Rakhine ni hpe shalawm ya sai. Kokang hpe gaw shanhte nan ading tawk matut mahkai nga ma ai da. Hpang jahtum gaw shalawm la na sha re. Theinsein wa hte Phonekyashinh na kahhri kasha ni hte Nta langai sha she re ai gaw, masha kaba ni yawng chye ai. (Mau hpa i).
NCA hte moi na Myit hkrum sen htu ni gara hku shai ai. Moi 1994 ning hta Myen hte Jinghpaw sen htu ai kawq Mung kan n lawm ai, Uhpung 2 sha mayun htu hkat ai, Mung shawa pyi hpang e she chye ai. Sak se n lawm ai. Jahten kau tim Gara hku lawh nga san wa na gadai n nga n chye lawm ai. YA, n dai NCA gaw NCCT DKB Gun Maw ni a Zai ladat a majaw, Mung Kan a Sakse (Miwa, US, UN..hte kaga ni...) lawm ra na, Federal hte Self Determination deq du hkra sa na ngu ai GA LAMI ni (Myen ni mau tau tau nga ai laman) gan bang GAN sen htu kau lu ai majaw, Myen ni bai su dum wa ai shaloi gaw grai hpang hkrat mat sai hpe mu n na, Myit n gut Pawt gayut si bu ai kaw du ai re hpe law malawng n chye shi ai hpe mu ai. Dai majaw Myen hpyen du ni NCA hpe jahten kau na matu atsaii hku grai maw mawn wa masai (Gasat jahteq tam ai, KIA kasa ni hpe Yangon n mai yuhq hkra pat shing dang ai, Yaq hpang jahtum EAO Uhpung n kau mi hpe Mying n bang ai). Rai tim, Thein Sein du hhra Sa htu matsut bang kau nu ai re ai majaw, NCA document gaw grin taw sai rai nga ai.
NCA a hpang na lamang ni. Mung masa lam bawng ai kaw kadai ni, marai kade lawm na, hpa baw ga baw madung dat na, aten gade la na ngu ai ni hpe matut bawng jasan mat wa na. Ya nan yawng Asan sha daw dan na matu ra sharawng ai law nga ga ai rai tim, masa hta hkan n na NCA a hpang e she bawng na hku rai sai. DAi kawq a hkaw a hkang n hkalut mat hkra sadi hte ja ja kat kat shakut na hku re.
NCA N-kam htu ai ni. NCA hpe NCCT (madung gaw DKB Gum Maw) Zai ladat hte Myen baw kadung htik koit n na lu ka da ai re ai hpe Min Aung Hlaing gaw a tsawm sha chye ai rai n na, Wan hte nat kamawng kau mayu kyin nga ai re. Sen n lu htu hkra chyahkyawn ladat daw taw nga ai re. Daimajaw, NCA lek mat n kam htu ai ni gaw Min Aung Hlaing a Baw nu kaw Shang mat sai, Myen banau ka kaw kadawng bang marit si mat na kaw lawm wa ai hpe dum mu.
A taw Myen Hpyen hkrai hkrai, galoi hting nut na ma ta? nga ai ni mung n taw nga ai. Mung kan a man e Sen htu ngut ai hte gaw, Joint Monitoring, Military Code of Conduct, Peace Keeping Force du hkra matut mat wa na LAM HPAW sai majaw, kade n ja la tim N gut la tim, Myen ni yu wa ra sai hpe chye na ga.
Lak nak dawm ra ai da aw? nga san ai ni grai law nga ai. SSR (Security System Reform) ngu ai shawng ngang ngang kang kang gaw sharawt lu ai hpang she (DDR Disarmament Demobilization Reintegration) ra wa yang matut na. DDR hpe galoi mung shawng kaw tawn na n re.
KIA gaw Kachin Sate Army (Asuya Hpyen dap langai mi) re ai majaw Disarmament Demobilization hte hpa n seng ai. KIA gaw Mung masha hte galoi mung gayep magyep kap nga ai re ai mayaw, Re-integration ngu ai mung TSEP KAWP n ra ai. Ra ai gaw Mung masha hte Tsan gang N ju ndawng hkat taw nga ai Myen Hpyen dap ni she RE.
SSR a n pu kaw, Federal, Self Determination, Peace Keeping ga baw ni lawm ai. SSR n htiq n htang rai jang gaw, garang da ai n htu, katsut da ai sinat bai htim magra na sha re. DDR kaw Laknak dawm ai lawm na nre, Hpyen dap ni hpe Mungdaw Shimlam dap hku matut tawn da mat wa na ngu ai hpe JA JA tsun da matsing da chyalu re.
Shang Lawt Ai Wunpawng Gumrawng Gumtsa Mung Dan de lahkrip ra ra hte rawt sa wa ga.
Kachin, tribal peoples occupying parts of northeastern Myanmar (Burma) and contiguous areas ofIndia (Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland) and China (Yunnan). The greatest number of Kachin live in Myanmar (roughly 790,000), but some 150,000 live in China and a few thousand in India. Numbering about 1012,000 in the late 20th century, they speak a variety of languages of the Tibeto-Burman group and are thereby distinguished as Jinghpaw, or Jingpo (Chingpaw [Ching-p’o], Singhpo), Atsi, Maru (Longvo), Lachid, Nung (Rawang), and Lisu .
The traditional Kachin religion is a form of animistic ancestor cult entailing animalsacrifice. As a result of the arrival of American and European missionaries in Burma beginning in the late 19th century, a majority of the Kachin are Christian, mainly Baptist and Roman Catholic. Among the Kachin in India, Buddhism predominates.